Source: File WO311/557
held at the National Archives at Kew, London
IN THE MATTER OF WAR CRIMES COMMITTED BY JAPANESE
NATIONALS AND IN THE MATTER OF THE ILL-TREATMENT OF PRISONERS
OF WAR (CIVILIAN INTERNEES) AT FUKUOKA 4B PRISONER OF WAR CAMP
FROM 29th NOVEMBER, 1942, UNTIL SEPTEMBER, 1945.
Transcribed by: Stephen
I, Dr. Allan BERKELEY, with permanent home address at 20 Cathkin
Road, Glasgow, S.E., make oath and say as follows:-
On 8th March, 1942, whilst serving as a captain in the R.A.M.C.
attached to the 48th Light A.A., Royal Artillery, at Garout,
Java, I was taken prisoner of war by the Japanese and removed
to Fukuoka on 29th November, 1942. I remained there until the
middle of September, 1945, when I went to Nagasaki.
On 29th November, 1942, 250 of us arrived at Moji on the island
of Kyushu and became prisoners of war in Fukuoka 4B Camp.
For the first few months, the food was not too bad. Apart from
our small bowls of rice three times per day, we had a small piece
of fish once or twice a week, and once a week a small amount
of meat was put into the cabbage or dackon soup to favour it.
Some of the men could not eat this diet and I asked the Japanese
for special milk diets for those men. On every occasion this
request was refused.
In the summer of 1943, the food ration was reduced and the men
began to lose weight. We told the Japanese Commandant (Captain
SAITO) that it was absolutely necessary to increase the food
ration but he did not pay any attention to our pleading. The
men were continually getting dysentery and after attacks needed
some good food, especially protein to build up their strength.
This was not forthcoming. At times we were given soya beans
to help the protein deficiency but this was not continued for
In March, 1944, I approached the Japanese doctor, Lieutenant
NEGASHI, and his orderly, Sergeant Major TARNIGUCHI, and asked
them for increased food for the camp. Nothing was said, but
a few days later, for no apparent reason, I was given a terrible
beating by TARNIGUCHI. In the course of the bashing,
I was told that this was because I had asked for more food for
the camp. There is no doubt that there was a serious deficiency
of protein resulting in hypoproteinosis characterised by swelling
of the body, face and limbs.
I am satisfied that the Japanese were stealing large portions
of our meat and fish rations before they were sent to our cookhouse.
There is no doubt that if we had had our proper meat and fish
rations as laid down by Japanese Headquarters, and also our Red
Cross parcels, there would have been fewer deaths.
All the men suffering from diarrhoea and dysentery were ordered
to have no food or drink for two days and in some cases, nothing
at all until the diarrhoea had cleared up. Fortunately with
the wonderful help of my orderlies, I was able to get these men
some sort of light food, usually rice, without the Japanese knowing.
Some of the men had very sensitive alimentary tracts due to repeated
attacks of dysentery and some of these found the soya beans too
hard to digest. I asked the Japanese to give these men extra
rice instead of beans. Not only did they refuse this but they
said that these men must eat the beans.
When we arrived at the camp, most of us had only tropical clothing.
It was the end of November and very cold. We were each given
a Japanese uniform, and Japanese boots and shirts for those who
required these. We were also issued with heavy coats
made of material like sackcloth. Later we received clothes from
the Red Cross but they were not issued when required. The Japanese
made some of our men go to work with boots which had almost no
soles. Meanwhile the Japanese soldiers were wearing our Red
Cross boots. The same applied to socks. Near the end of the
war, the boot situation became intolerable. While there were
many pairs of boots in the store, men had to go to work in rubber
and cloth boots or leather boots with holes in the soles.
(b) Hygiene and Sanitation.
When we arrived at the camp, 95 of the men had amoebic of bacillary
dysentery. I must say that for the first few months, the Japanese
helped to keep down infection. They provided bowls of antiseptic
(cresol) for the use of the men after and before visiting the
latrines and wash places. The latrines were just wooden cubicles
with a couple of planks cut away in the floor to receive the
faeces. When the receptacles were full, the Japanese employed
civilians to clear out the pans. However, after a few months,
they removed the cresol bowls and did not empty the lavatory
pans when they were full. After appealing to the Japanese we
were allowed to empty the latrines at times, using our own men.
During our stay at Moji, we were always very short of soap.
Some of the men, therefore, found it impossible to keep their
bodies and clothes clean. On the average we had one hot bath
a week. The dimensions of the communal bath were about 9 ft.
x 6 ft. x 2 ft, and after 40 or 50 men had been in the bath,
the remainder found the water very black and cold.
Throughout our stay in this camp, we always had lice in our clothing
and on our bodies. Some of us tried to wash our clothes and
bodies frequently without soap and so managed to keep the lice
from multiplying. Some, however, did not bother. I got my orderlies
to count the number of lice on a pyjama jacket belonging to a
Dutchman. They stopped counting after they reached 500.
I was told by the Japanese that owning to lack of fuel, the clothes
could not be boiled in water. I therefore asked the medical
orderly, Sergeant TERADA, for an ordinary hand iron which could
be heated and the clothes, especially the seams ironed. This
would without doubt have killed all the lice and eggs, but the
appeal was refused, although I had noticed a shop near the camp
which sold these irons. Incidentally we offered to pay for the
iron. To make matters worse, the Japanese doctor told me that
there were about ten cases of typhus fever in the town and that
two had already died. It was nothing short of a miracle that
no one contracted this dreaded disease.
In the summer time we were nearly driven crazy by fleas mainly
in the blankets and at times this made sleeping impossible.
The Japs did not help us very much. On one occasion they sprayed
the bed spaces and blankets with cresol but this had very little
effect. For sleeping quarters we lay on the floor and in most
cases the beds were in apposition with no space between
so that heads were about one foot apart. This made it impossible
to prevent spray infection. The Japanese would not allow us
to sleep head to foot.
In December, 1944, there was an epidemic of mumps and the Japanese
made some men go to work while they had parotid glands. Many
men had to go to work while they had active dysentery. The Japanese
had perverted ideas of deciding when a man should go out to work.
If he reported sick at night and had a high fever, he was allowed
to stay in bed during the evening roll call. The following morning
his temperature was taken and if it was 57.5ºc. (99.6ºF.)
or less, he had to go out to work. Fortunately we found ways
and means of deceiving the Japanese in their fantastic temperature
The Japs told me that they thought the drinking water was infected
and so forbade anyone to drink it. They did not allow me to
test the water to prove the presence of pollution. After working
hard all day, the men lost much fluid by sweat and they became
very thirsty. The Japanese guards used to hide in the wash places
and if they caught anyone drinking, they gave him a awful beating.
(c) Camps and Quarters.
Our camp was a Y.M.C.A. building and the Japs had erected wooden
structures to house the 250 prisoners. As I mentioned before,
the majority of us had to sleep right up against each other.
The sick quarters were not separated from the main quarters
so that there was no real peace or relaxation for the sick men.
It was only in the last few months of the war that I was able
to segregate the infectious cases.
The latrines and wash places were in the basement of the building
so that a man sleeping at the top of the building had to go down
four flights of steps and walk a distance of about 100 yards
before reaching the latrines. Incidentally when a guard passed
we had to salute him. This applied even in the middle of the
night. Sometimes the lads were very sleepy and did not notice
the guards - this of course was no excuse, and the prisoner got
the usual beating.
(d) Medical Supplies.
As I said before, when we arrived at the camp, 95% of the prisoners
had dysentery. This meant of course that immediate treatment
was necessary. The Japs did try to help us then by giving us
saline or glucose to inject into patients to try and replace
the fluid lost. They gave me bismuth and sodium bicarbonate
for the men but this was of no use. I needed drugs like emetine
and suphaguanidine. This was not forthcoming. I regret to say
that of the 250 men, 126 died in the first six weeks. We had
to wait until the Red Cross medicine came before we got drugs
which had been very necessary.
I mentioned before that men with dysentery got no food at all.
This applied also to medicine at times. It all depended on
the temperamental condition of the Japanese medical orderly.
If the news in the Pacific worried him, he usually decided not
to give any medicine in cases of illness. At times, men coming
back early from working party because of illness received no
medicine as a punishment. The Japanese to blame for this was
Corporal, now Sergeant TERADA.
TERADA also accused us of using too much antiseptic and gauze
for dressings. The only time for dressings was in the evenings
for the working party, so that if there was a late working party
which did not come back until 2 or 3 a.m., sometimes not until
breakfast time next day, the men on the late party requiring
dressings had to go to bed without getting their wounds attended
The Red Cross sent bottles containing plasma but the Japs did
not give me any of this at times when I urgently required it.
When I arrived at Moji, I had a large hamper containing drugs
which I had used on the ship from Java to Japan. This contained
drugs for treating syphilis. The Japanese took all the drugs
from me. There were six British soldiers in the camp requiring
treatment for syphilis and I asked the Japanese doctor for blood
tests and treatment but he refused to do anything. This was
(e) Red Cross Supplies.
Plenty of Red Cross food, clothes and drugs arrived at the camp
but we saw only a percentage of the total. The Japanese stole
for themselves 30/40% of our food, clothes and drugs. Many lives
were lost because of the bad distribution. More Red Cross drugs
and food would have saved many lives and more clothing would
have lessened the misery of coldness in winter and of dirty clothing.
Hundreds of thousands of multi-vitamin tablets arrived but the
Japs would not distribute them among the camp personnel. Captain
SAITO and Lieutenant HEGASHI were to blame for this. There was
much beri-beri in the camp and the vitamin B1 in the vitamin
tablets would have had a very important influence on the health
of the men.
On Christmas day, 1944, we complained to Captain SAITO about
the Red Cross parcels. We knew there were many in the stores
but he had not issued any to us. We argued with him for some
time. At last he said he would give us a Red Cross parcel each
but all the tins and packages would have to be opened by us and
the whole parcel consumed in a few hours. This was fantastic
as the parcel, taken in conjunction with the Japanese food, could
have lasted three or four weeks. Some of the poor lads tried
to eat as much as they could, some of them even ate chunks of
butter, but eventually they were all vomiting everywhere. This
was another example of the perverted mind of the Japanese.
(f) Working Conditions.
Our men had various jobs. Some worked on ships in the harbour,
loading and unloading them. Some did the coaling of ships, while
others worked at the railway station loading and unloading trucks.
During the first year some men worked at the iron works in Kokura.
The men had to carry sacks of sugar, cement, rice, flour, etc.
Weighing from 60/100 kilograms. On the ship, at times, they
were unloading lumps of pig iron. This was very dangerous as
pieces of iron were always falling on their toes. I am sure
that many toes were fractured but I cannot say for certain as
the Japs would not allow me to have any X-rays taken of these
While working in the hold of the ship, the men were in constant
danger of sacks falling off the slings or the chain slings swinging
against them before reaching the ground of the hold. Work was
never stopped when it started to rain, unless the rain became
torrential and even than it all depended on the magnanimity of
Reveille was at 5.00 hours and the working party left about 6.00
hours for work. During the forenoon they had a rest of about
ten minutes for a smoke and sometimes tea. They stopped for
lunch about 13.00 hours and sometimes only had 15 minutes for
this meal, then back to work and a rest for ten minutes in the
afternoon. They worked till about 19.00 hours.
(g) Safety of Prisoners.
Working on the ship was dangerous at times. Those in the hold
had to always on the alert as the chain sling was liable to crush
them when loaded. One R.A.F. warrant officer had his back broken
when crushed against the side of the hold. I mentioned injured
toes, when pig iron fell on them. In September 1944, our own
lads started digging air-raid shelters and when they were completed,
the camp personnel were always taken there during air raids.
If the men were at work during a raid, they were brought back
and taken to the shelters.
(h) Treatment by the Captures.
For the first few months, the treatment was quite good but after
that it gradually became worse. I feel that this was due to
the arrival at the camp of what we called the civilian guards.
They were ex-soldiers who had served in China, Singapore, Java,
etc. and the majority of them seemed to have decided to let us
know what the real Japanese discipline was.
We had to salute all the guards. In the evenings after a hard
days work, if the men were resting on their bed spaces,
they had to jump to attention and bow when the guard passed.
This was liable to happen many times in the course of an evening.
They were not allowed to lie down apart from sleeping time.
No singing or music was allowed apart from rest days when we
had to get permission from the Jap orderly officer. At first
these rest days were every Sunday but later they occurred every
second Sunday and eventually the rest day became
a day when everyone had to work in the camp for almost the whole
Smoking was allowed for 15 minutes after breakfast, a similar
time after lunch, in the afternoon and after supper, but only
for ten minutes after evening roll call. Anyone caught smoking
at any other time got a severe beating. Also when smoking, we
had to stand round a large brazier and throw our ash in it.
No smoking was allowed at our bed spaces. If the guard on the
working party thought any man was not working hard enough he
beat him whether the lad was ill or not.
The men were often searched when they came back from the working
party and if any unauthorised stuff was found on them, they got
the usual severe beating. Any man with a button missing or unbuttoned
got a beating. Some times for small offences, men were put into
the guard room. This was a small cubicle into which almost no
light entered. The prisoner had to sleep on the floor without
blankets. A can was placed in the corner of the room for excretions.
No food was given while in the condemned sell as
we called it.
One man was in the guard room for ten days. He was given a little
water every day. The can containing urine and faeces was of
course never emptied during the period of incarceration. When
receiving a bashing, the man had to stand to attention
while the Jap hit him on the jaw as hard as he could with clenched
fists. If the prisoner fell down, the Japanese at once started
kicking him until he stood up again. If he were knocked out
or fainted, buckets of cold water were poured over him until
he revived. If the prisoner dodged a blow the incensed guard
beat him tenfold.
One method of torture was to make the prisoner lie flat on his
stomach, then raise his body by stretching his arms and keeping
the palms of his hands on the ground. He was supposed to remain
in this position for one hour without bending either his back
or his arms. Any sign of relaxing was rewarded with a crack
over the back with a heavy stick.
Other punishments included standing at attention in a blazing
sun, walking about with arms tied round the shoulder blades,
being tossed over a guards back, being hit on the face
with a leather strap, being hit on the back and at the back of
the legs with a shovel, etc. etc.
(i) Treatment by Civilians.
The men with whom we worked on the working party were on the
whole not too bad. Some times the foreman became nasty and beat
some of the prisoners. Children about 14 years of age and some
adults used to jeer at us as we marched along the streets.
To me, the Japanese woman was revelation. She went out of her
way to help us on every occasion, even to the extent of incurring
a beating from one of her own menfolk. At times, the women even
gave us their own food.
(k) Other Violations.
At times our men were forced to work loading ammunition, bomb
cases, etc. There were occasions when the guards stole some
of our belongings while we slept. When we arrived at the camp
we had to hand over all our valuables, watches, rings, etc. but
by the end of the war, most of these had been stolen by the Japanese.
(l) Camp Regulations.
I have already mentioned reveille and working hours. Bed time
was at 20.00 hours in the winter and 21.00 hours in the summer.
A few men were kept in the camp permanently, e.g. cookhouse
staff, medical orderlies and bootmaker. I have already mentioned
smoking, bathing and rest day regulations.
(m) Incidents, etc.
The camp commandant, Captain SAITO, was a thick set, stockily
built man. He would be about 45 years of age, about 5 foot 2/3
inches in height, very swarthy complexion, no moustache, hair,
of course shortly cropped with no sign of baldness. He had a
very deliberate walk somewhat hentoed, and a very
loud voice when angry. When emphasising a point, he often closed
his eyes and looked upwards. He had quite a nice smile showing
white teeth. He wore black and yellow tan riding boots and in
summer often walked about in a short sleeve singlet. he was
married and had a daughter about 12/14 years of age.
Captain SAITO came to the camp in August, 1943. He refused to
give us more food when we needed it and did not hand out our
Red Cross parcels when they arrived. Rather he gave our Red
Cross parcels to the Japanese guards and took some to his own
house. He also stole some of our Red Cross clothing and drugs
and was responsible for the Christmas Red Cross parcel incident
in December 1944. At one time he instructed the guards to beat
us on the least provocation. He refused to issue vitamin tablets
when they were required and I often asked him for Red Cross milk
for prisoners who were gravely ill, but this too he refused.
The Japanese medical orderly was a civilian named INOUYE. He
was well built, rather on the slim side, very active and walked
quickly if flat-footed. He was of nervous instability and very
Description: 5 foot 3 inches in height, about 27 years of age,
clean shaven, hair thinning on top.
Before the war INOUYE worked as a chemist. He was in the air
force before becoming a civil guard and was said to have crashed
in a plane. This was supposed to have affected his nervous system
and he was thought to have goitre. He was very efficient at
clerical work and good at tabulating figures. He draws very
well and is an able swimmer. This man was married at the beginning
of 1944, of which marriage a child was born about March 1945.
INOUYE has a habit of sniffing and liked to show off before
He came to Moji about January 1943. He was very quite and without
doubt the best guard we had ever had. This lasted for five to
six months and then he suddenly changed and became an absolute
maniac. There were times when he would go out of his way to
help us as much as possible and then he would suddenly go berserk.
Somehow he always went into a tantrum at the full moon. He
would knock prisoners of war unconscious with his fists and often
threw them over his shoulders and then kicked them while they
were on the ground. I have seen him banging mens heads
against the wall. On one occasion he pulled a prisoner of war
towards an open window about 30 feet from the ground and then
tried to push him through. I have also seen him throw a man
down a long flight of stairs.
In majority of cases the fault was not the prisoners but
INOUYE was most unreasonable and would not wait to hear the defence
of the prisoner. Even when he did hear it he usually called
the man a liar.
Lieutenant HRGASHI, the Japanese doctor, would be about 34 years
of age, 5 foot 3/4 inches in height, stocky built, and had a
reddish birthmark over his right eye. He was married and his
wife stayed in the vicinity of the camp.
Sergeant Major TARNIGUCHI would be about 28/30 years of age,
5 foot 3/4 inches in height, good build. He had been with the
Japanese Army in China and was very much addicted to drink.
On 10th March, 1945, the Japanese had been celebrating some military
victory. TARNIGUCHI sent for me and I went to the Japanese quarters.
When I arrived, I saw that he was very drunk. Without giving
any reason, he made me stand at attention and struck me repeated
blows with his fists on the face and body. Then he made me go
down on my knees and hold my hands above my head. While I was
in that position, he struck me repeatedly on the ribs with the
butt of his rifle. Then he made me stand at attention and again
struck me with his fists on the face and body and once again
made me kneel while he struck me on the body with the butt of
his rifle. He then told me he was going to execute me, that
he was going to cut off my head. He produced a sword and waved
it about, appearing to be going through some kind of ceremony.
Meantime some of the Japanese guards, probably thinking that
he was going too far, had gone for TARNIGUCHIs wife. By
the time she appeared on the scene, TARNIGUCHI had more or less
exhausted himself. I would say that he had been continually
beating me for at least half an hour. As the result of the beating
I was bruised extensively on the face, body and legs and was
so stiff and sore that I was only able to walk with great difficulty
for several weeks.
Sergeant TERADA, a Japanese guard, would be about 28/30 years
of age, 5 foot 2 inches in height, slim build, spoke English
fairly well, of effeminate appearance.
When he arrived at the camp, TERADA was a corporal and later
was promoted sergeant. At first he was quite well behaved but
later he became very difficult. He developed the habit of leaving
the camp and visiting the working parties where he used to accuse
the prisoners of not working hard enough. He then used to strike
them on the body and head with a stick. If any prisoner was
unable to carry on with his work and returned to the camp during
the day, TERADA used to beat them on the body and head with a
stick. I have described elsewhere his assault on Joseph CUSICK
s arm. I can also remember another occasion when he assaulted
David SILVIE, British prisoner of war of the 6th Heavy Ack. Ack.
Bty. Royal Artillery.
I found Silvie suffering from a fractured forearm and he told
me he had received his injury from a blow with a stick struck
by TERADA. Apparently TERADA thought he was not working hard
enough. I asked to have the use of the X-ray apparatus to properly
diagnose the fracture but this was not allowed and I had to be
content with putting the injured arm in splints.
In my case, one of the British officers had been beaten up by
the Japanese orderly officer. This prisoner was bleeding severely
from many places and it was obvious that he required to be stitched
at once. The Japanese had told us that the prisoner misbehaved
and was beaten up by themselves, he was not allowed to have his
wounds dressed. INOUYE wanted to know who had dressed this particular
prisoners wounds and on learning that I had attended to
it, he set about me and caught me a blow on the point of the
jaw. I fell backwards and the back of my head hit the stone
steps behind me. I suffered concussion and did not regain consciousness
for three days.
Death of Joseph MALONEY: [Maloney,
Joseph, Sgt., 85th Anti-Tank Regt]
Sergeant Maloney. Who was often referred to as "Danny",
was a British soldier in the Anti-Tank Regiment. In June 1943,
while in a working party outside the camp, he was badly injured
when a heavy load fell on his back, fracturing his vertebrae
and causing paralysis of his legs. I must say that the Japanese
helped Maloney quite a lot although at times when I asked for
sulphapyridine tablets, I was refused. Maloney developed a very
nasty bed sore but the Japs would not let me dress it in my own
way and allowed an ignorant medical orderly to decide on the
line of treatment. Maloney died in February 1945. On the whole
the Japs treated him fairly well, by comparison with the treatment
they melted out to others.
Death of CARPENTER: [Carpenter,
Claude E., TSgt, Harbor Defense Hq- died 8 July 1945]
This man was a technical sergeant in the American Army. In the
first place he should never have been sent to work. When he
arrived in Moji from the Philippines in August, 1944, he had
been badly wounded in the thigh causing the shorting of one leg.
He had very severe beri-beri on arrival, and this was not completely
cured when he was sent out to work about April 1945. A few weeks
after working he received a severe blow on the leg when a heavy
box fell on it and the limb was badly swollen when he was brought
back to the camp. Carpenter had lost much blood and for the
next few days there was severe bleeding after each dressing.
I asked the Japanese for Red Cross plasma which they had stored
away but this was refused. I pleaded with them but they stolidly
refused to give me any. Carpenter died a few days later. I
am satisfied that if the Japanese had given me the plasma, I
would have been able to save this mans life.
Joseph CUSICK (not Kosack): [most
likely: Kristich, Louis, Staff Sgt, 17th Pursuit Sqn]
This man was a corporal in the American Army. His arm was broken
by TERADA, not INOUYE. About May 1945, Cusick had been sent
out to work loading at a railway station about 2 miles from the
camp, although he was not fit enough. He did not feel well while
working and the Japanese guard gave him permission to rest.
TERADA, the medical corporal, arrived on the scene and went mad
when he saw Cusick sitting down. He lifted up a heavy stick
and started beating him. After he had finished ill-treating
Cusick, the latter complain of serve pain in the forearm. On
examination it was found to be broken. I was in the camp when
this man was brought back and he told me what had happen.
Sergeant SULLIVAN: [Sullivan, Arthur
W., Staff Sgt, 34th Pursuit Sqn, 24th Pursuit Gp]
This man was in the American Army. There were so many beatings
in the camp I am not certain of this one. I think it happened
in May/June, 1945, while we were parading before going to the
air raid shelter. Sullivan was a bit slow in shouting his number
and as a result received a bad beating from INOUYE who struck
him blows on the face and body with his fists.
Pte. SPENCER: [Spencer, George W.,
This prisoner of war was an American and was badly beaten up
for taking some food while working at the railway station in
May/June 1945. He was also beaten up when he complained of not
being very fit to continue working. At that time INOUYE struck
him on the chest and body with a stick.
Sergeant POWELL: [Powell, George
Robert, Staff Sgt, 515th CA, B Battery]
This prisoner was attached to the American Army. I am not certain
of this case but I think some food was discovered on Powell when
he returned from a working party in May, 1945. INOUYE struck
him over the hand with a stick several times and he suffered
from bruising and laceration.
Sergeant William E. BRAY: [Braye,
William Earle, Sgt, 194th Tank, C Ompany]
This prisoner was also of the American Army. On a certain night
INOUYE had one of his fits and as a result BRAY suffered. He
had a high fever and the Japs had given him permission to remain
in the camp hospital where he was a patient, if the air raid
siren went. (Otherwise he should have gone to the shelter about
a quarter of a mile down the road). The siren sounded during
the night and by some mistake, BRAY was told to go to the shelter.
Despite the fact that he had a high fever he managed to reach
the shelter with some help. After the air raid, INOUYE noticed
him being helped back to his quarters by some of the other prisoners
of war and then and there gave him a terrible beating for not
staying in the camp. He made him stand to attention while he
struck him several blows on the face with his fists, knocked
him down and kicked him on the body with his booted foot. Then
he yelled for Bray to rise. He tried to get up but he did not
have the strength. He was then made to stand outside the guardroom
in the camp for three hours. For the next few days, Bray was
seriously ill. He had a middle ear infection which was considerably
irritated by the beating he had received. Fortunately he recovered.
Pte. LEWIS or LOUIS. [Louis,
Arthur C., PFC, 60th CAC D Battery]
This prisoner was in the American Army. He was suffering from
fever and was caught sleeping during the day without receiving
the necessary permission from the Japanese. He received the
usual beating, one of the guards striking him on the face and
body with his fists. Incidentally Lewis tells the most awful
lies and I found him difficult to deal with as he seldom told
I have read over the foregoing which is true statement made and
signed by me at the Central Police Office, Turnbull Street, Glasgow,
on in the presence of James Finlay Langmuir,
one of His Majestys Justices of the Peace for the City
Signed Allan Berkeley.
All of which is true as the dependant shall answer to God.
Signed J.F. Langmuir.
Stipendiary Magistrate of the City of Glasgow and Justice
of the Peace for the County of said City.