Report on Japanese Activities

This report was published on February 28, 1942. I have added notes which are contained within {braces}.





H. Res. 282




Printed for the use of the Special Committee on Un-American Activities



Washington, D. C.

MARTIN DIES, Texas, Chairman

HARRY P. BEAM, Illinois
NOAH M. MASON, Illinois
JOSEPH E. CASEY, Massachusetts

ROBERT E. STRIPLING, Chief Investigator
J. B. MATTHEWS, Director of Research

























More than a year ago, the Special Committee on Un-American Activities began an intensive investigation of Japanese propaganda and espionage in the United States. In order to gain access to important material which was locked up in the Japanese language, the committee retained investigators and informers who were acquainted with the Nipponese tongue.

Material already in the possession of the committee revealed certain facts which constituted the basis of the committee's decision to make a more thorough investigation of Japanese activities than it had hitherto undertaken. These facts may be briefly summarized, as follows:

(1) When the committee seized the files of the Transocean News Service, it obtained correspondence between Nazi and Japanese agents which revealed the Axis strategy of Japan's engaging the United States in the Pacific area in order to divert from the Atlantic war zone the ever-increasing supplies which the United States was furnishing the British under the terms of lend-lease. This correspondence was published in the committee's report (issued in November 1940) on the activities of the Transocean News Service.

(2) Japan had become a full-fledged Axis partner in 1940. This was tantamount to an announcement that Japan would eventually, at whatever moment the Axis considered most strategic, enter the war as a full military partner of the Nazis.

(3) Japan had long ago announced her own imperialistic ambitions, with the frank recognition that these ambitions were absolutely incompatible with the interests of the United States in the Pacific area. In the well-publicized Tanaka Memorial, submitted to the Japanese Emperor in 1927, Japan had declared bluntly: ''We must first crush the United States."

(4) The foregoing facts added up to make the Japanese residents of California, Hawaii, the Philippine Islands, and the Panama Canal region a menacing fifth column in the Territories of the United States.

The committee proceeded with its wholly inadequate staff and limited funds to employ special investigators to probe as deeply as possible into the activities of the Japanese.

By August 1941 the committee had assembled a large amount of evidence which more than confirmed the suspicions which it had entertained on the basis of surface appearances. This evidence made it unmistakably clear that certain conclusions were unavoidable. These conclusions were as follows:

(1) The Japanese Government contemplated an early attack upon the United States, and specifically included Pearl Harbor as a major objective. The proof of this was generally available, as will appear in section I.

(2) The Japanese had a map showing in great detail fleet positions and battle formations of the United States Navy around Pearl Harbor. This map also included vital military information on the Panama Canal and the Philippine Islands. The map is reproduced between pages 1741 and 1742.

(3) The Japanese were in possession of the most detailed information concerning all the naval craft of the United States. The committee obtained a copy of the document establishing this fact.

(4) The Japanese Government was relying upon its expatriated citizens in California, Hawaii, the Philippines, and the Panama Canal region, as well as upon American-born Japanese, to serve as a fifth column.

(5) A former attaché of the Japanese Consulate in Honolulu was prepared to testify that an elaborately organized fifth column of Japanese was being drilled for collaboration with the armed forces of Japan when the latter should attack Pearl Harbor.

(6) The Japanese Government was using front organizations in this country for the compiling of an elaborate census of Japanese residing in the United States.

(7) Japanese espionage in the Territories of the United States was widespread and most alarming in character.

(8) The Japanese Government was hypocritically going through the motions of diplomatic negotiations with the United States Government, without entertaining the slightest thought that the problems of the Pacific were susceptible of amicable adjustment.

(9) The Japanese Government was irrevocably committed as a military ally of the Third Reich, and was awaiting only the orders of Hitler before striking. The two Governments were in closest collaboration.

(10) The Nazis were schooling the Japanese in all the elaborately developed techniques of espionage and fifth-column activity, employed so successfully by the Nazis themselves in France, Norway, Holland, and Belgium, in order that the Japanese might use these techniques in the Territories of the United States.

(11) Japanese fishing vessels on our west coast, as well as in Hawaii and the Philippine Islands, were an important arm of the espionage and fifth-column department of the Japanese Government.

(12) A police officer on Terminal Island was prepared to testify that numerous conferences had been held between officers of the Imperial Japanese Navy and Japanese residents on the island.

(13) Japanese-language schools in California and in Hawaii were inculcating traitorous attitudes toward the United States in the minds of American-born Japanese (citizens of the United States), and these language schools were becoming an ever more important arm of Japanese espionage for Japanese citizens residing in the Territories of the United States.

(14) Japanese civic organizations in the United States, such as the Central Japanese Association, were loudly pretending their loyalty toward the United States Government while surreptitiously serving the deified Emperor of Japan.

(15) Japanese residing in the United States were raising large sums of money which were being sent to Japan for the Empire's war chest to be used for purchasing bombers. Civic organizations such as the Central Japanese Association were used by the Japanese Government for collecting these funds.

(16) In California there were Japanese veterans' organizations composed of men with military training and experience who vowed allegiance only to the Japanese Emperor whether their members were American or Japanese born.

(17) Hundreds of Japanese residing in the United States, including those who are citizens of this country, had been decorated by the Japanese Emperor.

(18) Japanese treaty merchants, abusing the hospitality of the United States and using their merchant status as a subterfuge, were engaged in espionage activities for the Japanese Government.

(19) The question of the dual citizenship of American-born Japanese had become increasingly grave as the Japanese Government was planning for the moment to strike against the Territories of the United States.

(20) Japanese in California were occupying tracts of land which were militarily but not agriculturally useful.

(21) Japanese had taken up residence adjacent to highly important defense plants, and were especially concentrated on Terminal Island in the harbor of Los Angeles.

(22) Having failed through diplomatic channels to obtain important information concerning the water-supply system and other public utility services of Los Angeles, Japanese had obtained employment in these places where they were in a position to do incalculable fifth-column damage.

(23) The Japanese Government was engaged in flooding the United States with printed Axis propaganda for distribution among Japanese in this country.

(24) Several maps containing highly important military information, such as the location of the airports of California, were obtained from Japanese sources.

(25) Japanese were in possession of aerial photographs of every important city on the west coast, as well as of the vital Gatun locks in the Panama Canal.

(26) Japanese religious institutions, Shintoism, Buddhism, and Bushido were being used in the Territories of the United States as fifth-column instruments for the coming attack on the United States.

(27) Finally, it was apparent from all the evidence in hand that the hour was rapidly approaching when the next step in the timetable of the Tanaka Memorial was about to be taken, namely the effort of the Japanese Government to "crush the United States."

Having assembled a vast quantity of documentary evidence to establish the foregoing facts, and having found witnesses who would testify in support of these conclusions, the committee was of the belief that the time had arrived to arouse the whole American people into a sense of the impending crisis. The committee accordingly made arrangements for 52 witnesses to proceed to Washington for public hearings early in September 1941.

Among these 52 witnesses called by the committee, were the following: A number of fishermen who had fished up and down the Pacific coast from Alaska to Panama ; Terminal Island police officers; Japanese leaders and a number of Nisei (American-born Japanese), a group which would have been compelled to testify in the utmost secrecy, but whose testimony was to have been made public; a Federal judge who had made a complete study of Japanese evasions of American laws; and a former attaché of the Japanese consulate in Honolulu.

Before proceeding to actual hearings, the chairman of the Special Committee on Un-American Activities addressed a communication to the Attorney General for the purpose of ascertaining whether or not such hearings would be satisfactory from the standpoint of the administration's plans as they related to the Japanese.

In response to the chairman's inquiry, the Acting Attorney General sent the following reply, a photographic reproduction of which appears on the opposite page:

Office of the Attorney General,
Washington, D. C, September 8, 1941.

Hon. Martin Dies,
House of Representatives, Washington, D. C.

My dear Mr. Congressman: In your letter of August 27, 1941, addressed to the Attorney General, you stated that if the Attorney General had no objection, you would suggest to your committee the advisability of conducting public hearings to receive evidence regarding Japanese activities in the United States.

The Attorney General has discussed the situation with the President and the Secretary of State, both of whom feel quite strongly that hearings such as you contemplate would be inadvisable. The Attorney General is of the same opinion, and accordingly, is unable to approve the course which you have in mind.

Sincerely yours,
Matthew F. McGuire,
Acting Attorney General.


In deference to the opinions of these high Government personages, who were primarily responsible for the conduct of our foreign relations, the committee abandoned its plans for the public hearings.

However, the committee's evidence was made available to the appropriate agencies of our Government. The Military Intelligence has gone over all of it.

With the firm conviction that much of its evidence may yet be used to important educational advantage since the people of this country have yet much to learn on the operations of the fifth column in the United States, and with undisguised fear that our west coast and the Panama Canal are still in the gravest peril from Japanese, espionage and Japanese attack, the committee now presents a part of the evidence which it had compiled prior to December 7, 1941.


Throughout the summer of 1941, when the committee's findings were taking shape, the chairman of the Special Committee on Un-American Activities made available to the press of the country certain portions of the committee's evidence in the hope that this evidence would serve as a warning to the country at large even before the committee would be able to hold extensive hearings on Japanese espionage.

On July 5, 1941, the following story appeared in the Los Angeles Evening Herald and Express:


Washington, July 5. -- The Dies committee will launch a series of public hearings in the near future which will include a searching inquiry into activity of alleged Japanese espionage organizations on the Pacific coast, it was disclosed today.

Committee plans also call for issuance of a Fascist book, describing activity of Fascist organizations in the United States, and hearings upon Communist and Nazi penetration of labor unions.

An important public hearing, the nature of which is being kept secret, is planned in New York. Another hearing is scheduled to be held in Philadelphia. The proposed public inquiry into Japanese activities on the Pacific coast will follow a long secret investigation by a corps of committee investigators. They have submitted reports, it was learned, asserting that many Japanese societies are under control of Japanese propaganda agencies and are actively engaged in promoting interests of the foreign power.

The inquiry, it is understood, will deal with activities of Japanese fishing fleets on the Pacific coast, long a bone of contention, with California congressional representatives openly asserting that agents on the boat are engaged in spying activities.

On July 6, 1941, the following story appeared in the Los Angeles Examiner:


Washington, July 5. -- (I. N. S.). -- Amid signs of gathering war clouds in the far Pacific, the Dies committee tonight announced a searching inquiry would be opened shortly into alleged espionage activities of Japanese agents on the west coast of the United States.

While secretive about the two public hearings scheduled for New York and Philadelphia, the Dies committee readily admitted today that emphasis will be placed at the Washington hearing on Japanese activities on the Pacific coast.


According to investigators who have been rounding up the evidence for many weeks, Japanese fishing fleets, long a bone of contention on the west coast, are cover-ups for espionage work and manned by Reserve officers of the Imperial Navy.

Several California Congressmen will take the stand at the hearing, said committee members, and will testify that the fishing fleets are engaged in spying activities.

The committee investigators said they will also reveal at the hearing that the thousands of Japanese on the west coast are under the direct domination of Japan and cooperating fully with their mother country in fifth column spy and traitor activities.

The Nipponese, said the Dies agents, do not stir up internal trouble like the Nazis and Communists, but operate entirely as spies, and send important military and State information to Japan.


The innocuous Japanese fishing fleet of some 1,000 boats, the Committee on Un-American Activities stated, has been locating certain strategic naval operations and could cause serious trouble if Japan and the United States severed relations.

The committee asserts this fleet is ready to dynamite and bomb when and if the order comes from the Imperial Navy.

Asserting that Communist activity in this country has speeded up its tempo and redoubled its efforts since outbreak of the Soviet-Nazi war, the committee will also continue hearings on allegedly Red organizations. Future hearings, the committee said, will inquire further into the American Peace Mobilization, which picketed the White House up until the outbreak of the Russian war and then dropped quickly from sight.


Sensational new testimony at the Philadelphia hearing, said the investigators, will reveal deeper penetration of Nazis and Communists into the ranks of American labor unions and defense industries.

In the giant Washington round-up of un-American activities the Dies hearing plans also call for the issuance of a "Fascist book" which will list all Fascist organizations, members, and their positions.

According to the specially picked corps of Dies agents, who have just completed a lengthy tour of secret investigations, the United States is literally pockmarked with foreign agents promoting the Axis and Communist interests. Japanese companies and societies, they claim, are working actively for foreign powers under the commands of the Japanese Government, and Nazis, Communists, and Fascists have increased their membership and their espionage to a highly dangerous degree.

On July 22, 1941, the following story appeared in the Los Angeles Evening Herald and Express:

[By International News Service]

Washington, July 22. -- Dies committee investigators today declared that they have gathered "sensational evidence" regarding asserted propaganda and other un-American activities of Japanese consular agencies in this country.

This evidence, they said, will be made public soon when general hearings on alleged Japanese espionage are started.

Although it was previously announced that evidence is in hand regarding Japanese activities on the west coast, this was the first intimation that consular agencies were involved.

It was recalled that the committee previously uncovered similar evidence about German and Italian consular agencies in this country. This was withheld from the public for many months pending a State Department check. It ultimately resulted in the German and Italian consuls being ordered out of the country.

Although he declined to disclose the nature of the evidence, Representative Dies, Democrat of Texas, chairman of the committee said that "German, Italian and Japanese consulates have been a focal point of subversive activities in America."

"These people, under the cloak of diplomatic immunity, have been carrying on work inimical to the welfare of the United States," Dies added. "It is time we had a showdown on all phases of the question."

On July 23, 1941, the following story appeared in the Los Angeles Examiner:

(By Lee Rashall, staff correspondent, International News Service)

Washington, July 22. -- Chairman Dies (Democrat), Texas, of the Special Committee on Un-American Activities, declared tonight he will soon call for expulsion from the United States of all Japanese consuls.

The Dies bombshell coincided with revelation in the Senate by Senator Walsh (Democrat), Massachusetts, chairman of the Naval Affairs Committee, that there are evidences of "widespread sabotage" throughout the Nation's naval shore establishments.


Over sharp objections that it would mean an "OGPU" for America, the Senate heeded warnings by Walsh, drawn from his confidential files, and passed, 41 to 14, a bill providing $1,000,000 to establish a large civilian police guard for all naval shore establishments.

Dies plans early presentation of evidence to prove that the Japanese consular agencies are guilty of anti-American espionage. He said the data would "leave no other course open to this Government" than to give the consuls their walking papers.


The chairman said his committee will make public, through open hearings, 'spectacular evidence" regarding consuls of the Far Eastern Axis partner, and, indicating their activities have centered on the Pacific coast, announced 20 witnesses will be subpoenaed from California.

"It is now time for a showdown on Japanese spy activities in this country," Dies said. "This Government has recently expelled the consular agents of Germany and Italy. After the Government learns what we anticipate will be shown, I cannot see how it can elect any other course than to expel the consuls of Japan also."

Expulsion of German and Italian consuls, now en route to their homelands across the Atlantic, was based upon evidence they were engaged in subversive activities inimical to this country.

Although Dies had earlier revealed he had evidence concerning Japanese espionage, he had not previously disclosed that the consuls themselves were involved in it.

Any expulsion of these agents would have to be ordered by the State Department, which presumably will not be consulted by the committee until following the hearings.

Dies would not detail his data, but he said the committee has long been "reasonably sure" that the consulates of Germany, Italy, and Japan were working jointly in propagandistic and spying activities in this country.

On July 31, 1941, the following story appeared in the Los Angeles Daily News:

(NOTE. -- This article is reproduced to show the skepticism voiced by certain publications concerning the Japanese prior to Pearl Harbor.)


Hair-raising tales of how Japanese naval reservists hold torpedo drills, complete with Rising Sun flags just outside the 3-mile limit off San Pedro, were told today by guess who?

Yep, Congressman Martin Dies, (Democrat), who hasn't been much in the public prints since he ran fourth in the recent Texas Senatorial election.

Dies said he has a witness, formerly attached to the Japanese consulate at Hawaii who sat in on secret meetings at Terminal Island, where elaborate sabotage operations were planned.

The chairman of the House Committee Investigating Un-American Activities said today he had temporarily postponed public hearings on this matter to give the Department of Justice a chance to act.

But if the Federal Bureau of Investigation doesn't swoop swift and soon, said Dies, "the American people will get the facts."

These include the often-published reports that fishing boats manned by Japanese are convertible into torpedo boats. Dies said. Such boats, he added, are the ones his man saw at drill practice.

Informed of the Congressman's press release, local Federal Bureau of Investigation officials had no comment.

A spokesman for the naval intelligence office here said the harbor was all secure with everything under control.

He added that the Navy and Coast Guard were maintaining a stringent patrol at least 60 miles out, and that the navy's neutrality patrol was effective considerably beyond the Hawaiian islands.

On August 1, 1941, the following story appeared in the Los Angeles Examiner:


Washington, July 31. -- (INS) -- Chairman Dies (Democrat, Texas) of the House Un-American Activities Committee, announced today that his agents have uncovered "a gigantic sabotage plot by the Japanese in California."

Dies said he had evidence that Japanese officers and operators of fishing boats had entered into the plot, which he said had been discussed by them at Terminal Island, Los Angeles Harbor, Calif.

"We have witnesses who actually participated in discussions of proposals to convert Japanese fishing boats into torpedo ships and to get ready to blow up defense installations on the west coast," Dies declared.


The Texan said, however, that his committee would hold off in making details public "until the Federal Bureau of Investigation has a chance to clean up the matter."

Dies said that his principal witness is a former attaché of the Japanese consulate in Hawaii. He refused to name this individual, however, who, he said, "says he is acting now through his loyalty to the United States."

Japanese fishing boats operate from Terminal Island and a series of conferences have taken place between Japanese officials and the boat operators, Dies declared.


"We have many witnesses who have actually seen the things, ready to swear that there have been regular communications between Japanese officials and the boatmen, that these boats are designed so that they are readily convertible into torpedo ships, and that when they got out to sea they often hoist the Japanese flag and hold military drills aboard," he said.

Dies also demanded that steps be taken by this county to deport between 3,000 and 4,000 Japanese commercial agents and some 1,800 students which he says are in this country.

He also asked that Japanese seamen be rounded up in the same way as German and Italian seamen.

On August 1, 1941, the following story appeared in the Los Angeles Times:


Washington, July 31 (U. P.) -- Chairman Martin Dies (Democrat), Texas,, of the House Committee on Un-American Activities, said today his investigators have uncovered sensational evidence of an elaborate sabotage plot by Japanese agents on the west coast.

He said the evidence was obtained from a former attaché of the Japanese consulate in Hawaii who has attended secret meetings of the sabotage ring at Terminal Island, off Los Angeles, home of some 5,000 Japanese and site of a vast United States gasoline depot.

The evidence has been turned over to the Justice Department for prosecution of the ring's members. Dies said, but unless the Department acts promptly, he will order public hearings "so the American people can get the facts."

He said committee investigators were told that Japanese naval officers at Terminal Island are cooperating with Japanese fishermen in the area "whose craft are built for easy conversion into torpedo boats." Many of these craft, he added, frequently sail out beyond the 3-mile limit, hoist the Japanese flag "and hold naval drill practice."

Dies said he favored a round-up of all Japanese seamen in this country in order to restrict their activities.


Agents at the Federal Bureau of Investigation field office in Los Angeles had "no comment" on the statement from Washington yesterday by Representative Martin Dies that his committee had uncovered evidence of an elaborate Japanese sabotage plot on Terminal Island and along the Pacific coast.

One of the agents asked that the dispatch be read to him over the telephone. "We have no comment to make," he said.

On December 8, 1941, the following story appeared in the Los Angeles Examiner:


"We are going to face serious trouble," Dies said, "unless we clean up this whole situation at once. The Japanese and Nazis in this country have been working in very close collaboration. We should proceed immediately not only to round up the Japanese aliens known to be potential saboteurs, but also should clean out the Nazis from our defense industries.

"The Nazis have followed a policy of placing German nationals or Nazi sympathizers in defense industries, particularly technical experts and mechanics. There are a great many members of the German-American Bund and other Nazi organizations scattered through the aircraft and other defense plants."

Dies pointed out that there are 155,000 Japanese residents in the United States of whom 105,000 are in the Pacific coast area. Also, there are about 1,800 Japanese students, whom he said, he was convinced had been sent to the United States to obtain secret information for the Japanese Government. These students, he said, are working through Japanese consular agents. The consular agents, he declared, have been very active in espionage work, as disclosed by evidence gathered by Dies committee investigators.




On July 25, 1927, Gen. Baron Giichi Tanaka, Premier of Japan, submitted to the Emperor a plan for Japanese world conquest. The memorandum has come to be known as the Tanaka Memorial. Its authenticity is beyond dispute.

"We must first crush the United States," wrote Tanaka in his memorandum. According to the timetable which the Japanese Premier laid down in his plan of conquest, Manchuria was to be seized, China was to be invaded, and then in order to consolidate the Japanese victories in these Asiatic countries the United States was to be crushed.

The Tanaka Memorial has been aptly described as the Japanese "Mein Kampf." It must be admitted that, to date, the Nipponese have carried out the plans of the Tanaka Memorial with as much success as Hitler has had in following the outlines of his more famous book.

For 15 years since the writing of the Tanaka Memorial, the Japanese have geared their entire economy to the objectives which it announced. The memorial left no reasonable doubt about the Japanese intentions to strike at the Pacific possessions of the United States. It likewise leaves no doubt about the intentions of the Japanese to attack yet other Territories of the United States. The complete text of the Tanaka Memorial will be found on pages 1859-1977 of this volume. {NOTE: The authenticity of this document has been questioned, some claiming it to be a forgery. Nevertheless, it's historical importance is not questionable, nor the corroborative documentation.}


Many Japanese leaders have spoken and written in support of the plans of conquest set forth in the Tanaka Memorial since it was first submitted to the Emperor in 1927.

For example, Lt. Gen. Kiyokatsu Sato wrote a book entitled "Japanese-United States War Imminent" (Japanese title: "Nichi-Bei Sen Chikashi"), in which he discussed in particular the importance of a Japanese attack on Hawaii. This book has been in print for several years. {NOTE: See this PDF file for an article from the Sunday Morning Star (April 7, 1940 issue). Read also this LIFE magazine article from Dec. 22, 1941, entitled "The Great Pacific War" (PDF file).}

The Special Committee on Un-American Activities obtained a translation of excerpts of the lieutenant general's book which read as follows:

The American people have brought disgrace upon us Japanese who, with a history of some 3,000 years, have never been subjected to any insult from a foreign country.

No nation in the world respects honor to a higher degree than the Japanese. Small wonder, then, that the Japanese treat the Americans as their enemy. The two nations have not gone to war with each other, but the Japanese cannot possibly bring themselves to regard the Americans as their friends.

Some Japanese are inclined to think that Commodore Perry was a benefactor to Japan on the ground that he opened the country to foreign intercourse toward the end of the Tokugawa shogunate. This is an utter mistake.

Perry did not come to these shores to form a friendship with this country. According to the various documents he dispatched to his Government, he had visited Japan with intent to occupy it.

It was the Americans who manifested considerable displeasure at Japan's advance to East Asia. They have subjected us to manifold indignities.

When and where a Japanese-American war will be fought we cannot say. If the United States of America carries out her traditional China policy to a full extent, then she is bound to clash with Japan sooner or later on the China question which is vital to the existence of this country.

We shall have to settle the question by force of arms, if diplomatic negotiations fail.

This brings us to a consideration of a possible war with America. No matter from what motives hostilities may come to be opened, or whether we assume the offensive or the defensive, there can be no doubt that Hawaii will be the most important strategic point in a war between America and Japan.

Success or failure in the struggle for this strategic point will prove a decisive factor in the war. With the Hawaiian Islands as her base of operations, America could bomb Tokyo or Osaka without much difficulty, provided she uses airplanes and airships of superior quality.

While Hawaii is an American possession, Japan would have to remain on the defensive. But if, on the contrary, Japan occupies the islands, her fleet would find itself in a position not only to assume the offensive, but also to bomb the cities on the west coast of America.

In a war with America, therefore, we must at all costs, even with a sacrifice of a few vessels, take possession of Hawaii. The distance between Hawaii and the American continent is a little smaller than that between the islands and Japan. This would mean that at the outbreak of hostilities the American fleet or fleets of warships would be able to get to the islands before the Japanese, insofar as both fleets have the same speed. For this reason our navy must needs possess ships far speedier than America.

If the main squadron of America were in the Hawaiian waters at the outbreak of war, then a clash between the American and Japanese main fleets would have to take place somewhere between the islands and Yokohama. Should our navy emerge victorious from this battle, it would be able to occupy Hawaii, and its subsequent operations would be facilitated.

The opposite result of this battle would compel the Japanese Navy to remain on the defensive and would render its operations extremely difficult. The great thing is, therefore, for Japan to see that hostilities are opened before the main strength of the American Fleet is brought to Hawaii and that her naval operations take place with lightning speed.

The struggle for Hawaii thus constitutes the first stage of a Japanese-American war. On the assumption that Hawaii was captured by our navy, the Japanese forces would undertake, as the next step, the task of destroying the Panama Canal and the main squadron of America.

If the Japanese Navy succeeded in crushing the American Fleet in the Pacific, landing on the Pacific coast of America would become easy.

At the same time the Panama Canal must be destroyed, as the maintenance of traffic through it would facilitate replenishment of the American Navy.

Attacks should be made on the Canal by an effective air fleet. The destruction of the Canal and the American Fleet would literally be half the battle. Thus would end the second period of the war.

The third period would begin with a landing of Japanese forces on the western coast of the American continent and the work of destroying the cities and naval ports on the west coast.

The next course would be to form the main line of defense along the Rocky Mountains, so that our military troops might be massed in the occupied areas along the coast.

Preparations made west of the Rockies, our army would now take the offensive and advance toward the east coast. This would usher in the fourth and the last period of the war.

Each period would probably last several years; the third and the fourth periods would last the longest. Thus the war would last at least 4 or 5 years; it might even drag out to last several score years. If and when Japan, forestalled by America, finds it impossible to occupy Hawaii, her navy would see the wisdom of deferring a decisive battle with the American ships till full preparations are completed.

Meanwhile, our coast might be subjected to bombardment and the main cities to attacks from the air. Our army would have to defend the coast facing the Pacific and stave off the enemy's landing, while our flotillas of destroyers and submarines would watch for an opportunity of attacking the enemy's capital ships.

When thoroughly ready, our main squadron would go forth and battle decisively with the enemy's. A victory for the Japanese Navy would naturally be followed by the capture of Hawaii and other operations, as described before.

Whether Japan acts on the offensive or on the defensive, a war with America would certainly be a protracted one involving much sacrifice and demanding the united efforts and indomitable perseverance of the nation as a whole.

During the Meiji era Japan fought China on the Korean question and Russia on the Manchurian question. And now it looks as though she were going to fight America on the China question. Such seems to be the fate to which this country is predestinated.

The China question is, as already said, a question of life and death to us. Japan can no longer remain "cabined, cribbed, and confined," as of yore, within her island empire. She needs expansion to the Asiatic continent, which is her "life line."

It is a luxury for America to exercise capitalistic imperialism in China and to attempt to bring that vast territory under her economic domination.

America still has vast areas in her own territory that have to be brought under cultivation. She has considerable quantities of natural resources still to be developed.

She has Canada to her north and Mexico, Brazil, and Argentina to her south, where she can find markets for her goods.

Why should America, then, attempt to practice imperialism on a continent some 5,000 miles distant, across the Pacific, from her own?


Early in 1941, the committee came into possession of a so-called strategic map which gave clear proof of the intentions of the Japanese to make an assault on Pearl Harbor.

(The following double page insert -- Exhibit No. 2 -- is a reproduction of the strategic map.)

{NOTE: Click on image to enlarge. Resolution is limited due to quality of the original document. Literal translation of this map: "Japan Imperial General Staff Headquarters: Map of World Operations Plan for the Invasion of Manchuria and Mongolia." The "LEGENDS" box reads as follows: Japanese Naval Movement -- Enemies Naval Movement -- Japanese Army Movement -- Enemies Army Movement -- Japanese Army -- Enemies Army -- Japan's Naval Sphere of Influence.}

The strategic map was prepared by the Japanese Imperial Military Intelligence Department with a detailed plan of Japan's proposed conquest of the Far East and Hawaiian Islands.

This map is but another evidence of Japan's aggressiveness and her desire for world conquest. In the late Tanaka Memorial of July 25, 1927, to the Emperor of Japan, Premier Tanaka said, under the item of "General Policy":

* * * Japan cannot remove the difficulties in Eastern Asia unless she adopts a policy of blood and iron. But in carrying out this policy we have to face the United States. * * * In the future if we want to control China, we must first crush the United States just as in the past we had to fight the Russo-Japanese War.

Again he said in the same Memorial, under the item ''The Necessity of Changing the Organization of South Manchuria Railway":

with such large amounts of iron and coal at our disposal we ought to be self-sufficient for at least 70 years. We shall have to acquire the secret for becoming the leading nation in the world. Thus strengthened, we can conquer both the East and West.

Japanese have been wont to say that Japan planned to conquer the world within 10 years after the Mukden Incident of September 18, 1931. The occupation of Manchuria and Mongolia is a necessary step for conquest of the Pacific. After North China has been acquired, the whole Pacific area can be absolutely under her control. The next step is to take over Guam, the Philippine and Hawaiian Islands, and even Hong Kong and India are included in this scheme.

According to the strategic map, Japan has almost accomplished the first part of her military conquest.

The strategic map shows that the line of the first conquest extends from Karafuto to Shantung Province, including Manchuria and Mongolia. It also shows that after she has accomplished the first step of this military occupation in Korea, Manchuria, Mongolia, and Shantung Province, she will have acquired a sufficient supply of material to enable her to mobilize forces and extend her power to Chekiang and Fukien Provinces, thus securing naval bases for future world conquest. Once well settled in Manchuria and Mongolia, she has iron deposits, estimated by Japanese experts at 1,200,000,000 tons; coal deposits, 2,500,000,000 tons; timber, 200,000,000 tons, which will last Japan 200 years, and many other resources, more than enough to enable Japan to wage war with England and the United States. According to Japan's military program, she will fight England in the north of the Philippine Islands and drive the British out of Asia, thus securing Hong Kong for the Japanese. A proposed naval battle between the United States and Japan is to give the latter Hawaiian Islands, then the Philippines and Guam must be under the control of Japan according to this military program. This will enable, as Tanaka has said, the enlarged Japan to become the leading nation of the world.


Recently, the Japanese War Minister Araki published a signed article in the Records of the Marchers Club, an influential monthly among the Japanese reservists, under the title "Japan's Mission Under the Reign of Showa" (present Emperor of Japan). This essay was divided into 10 chapters. The most outspoken words in it are:

The imperialism * * * a product of the fusion of the spirit in which our Nation was founded and the great vision of our people, stands in urgent need of being proclaimed to the corners of the "four seas" and established in this world.

Japan means to carry out such "imperialism," for according to General Araki, "we must take decisive action to get rid of any obstacle in the way, even resorting to force." Chapter VII reveals --

* * * This great vision was defined when Emperor Jimmu * * * issued the imperial proclamation of his ascension to the throne in Kashibara, Yamato * * * after his conquest of the eastern barbarians. The proclamation read: "To accept with regard to the past, the mission of our ancestors to give life to the state and greatly to nourish and increase with regard to the future. In accordance with our imperial ancestors' ambitions, I now establish my capital to conquer the whole world and embrace the whole universe as our state." Now to fulfill the vision "to conquer the world and embrace the universe as our state" so as to pacify the Emperor Jimmu's desire "greatly to nourish and increase" has been our traditional policy * * * The Manchurian incident, viewed in this light, has very great significance. Under the direction of Heaven, Japan has put forward the first step.

Concluding Chapter VI, Araki remarks:

When we observe carefully, no other country has a culture with the spirit of our imperialism. Countries in eastern Asia are objects of the white man's oppression. Awakened Japan, however, cannot allow this. If actions of any of the powers are not conducive to our imperialism, our blows shall descend on that power. This is the mission of our imperialism * * *

"Once hostilities begin, our first move will be an attack upon the Panama Canal. * * * We have submarines capable of traveling 10,000 miles without refueling. * * * The Midway Islands can be taken within 1 day; then we must attack Hawaii. * * *" These statements and many others of the same tenor appear in a book published in Tokyo in October 1940 entitled "The Triple Alliance and the Japanese-American War" by Kinoaki Matsuo. {NOTE: This book was translated by Kilsoo Haan and published in April 1942 under the title "How Japan Plans to Win." See this excerpt of Chapters 11 and 12, and also the article from the Milwaukee Journal (Dec. 28, 1941 issue). For more on Haan's efforts, see this compilation of letters. It should be noted that the primary source on this information here and elsewhere in this report can be found in this News Research Service Newsletter of July 16, 1941.}

In December 1940, a retired Japanese naval captain, Otojiro Endo, and a retired Japanese Army major, Masichi Sugihara, visited Pacific Coast States in America and held secret meetings with leaders of Japanese-American citizens. Purpose of the tour was to inspire courage among sabotage and espionage agents, and to recruit new men for the Japanese-American Trojan horse brigade. In their discussions, frequent use was made of the book, The Triple Alliance and the Japanese-American War. A few copies of this volume were given out, only to the most trusted leaders. The committee succeeded in obtaining one of these; a translation was made, and even the most casual perusal suggests immediately that this is a textbook for Japanese espionage.

The table of contents in itself is most revealing. Following are the translated chapter headings and subtitles, as they appear in the table of contents:

I. Crucial moment for Japan and America:
(1) The China incident and the United States.
(2) Pacific War -- A hard struggle.
(3) The Second World War and the United States.
(4) The United States and Canada.
II. Expansion of the American Fleet:
(1) Illusioned America.
(2) Battleships in construction.
III. History of the Japanese-American struggle:
(1) The first anti-Japanese question.
(2) United States, Japanese, and Manchurian conflict.
(3) Imperialistic foreign diplomacy of United States.
(4) Long-delayed destruction of London Conference.
IV. United States-Japan War inevitable:
(1) United States-Japan friendship a delusion.
(2) Pacifists and the fear of the American question.
(3) United States-Japan War costs.
V. United States naval strength:
(1) United States capital ships.
(2) United States cruisers.
(3) United States destroyers.
(4) United States aircraft carriers.
(5) United States submarines.
(6) United States naval bases.
(7) United States present military strength.
(8) United States naval developments.
VI. New United States weapons and mechanized units:
(1) New United States weapons.
(2) Fear of chemical warfare.
VII. The great air force of the United States:
(1) Brief sketch of United States Air Force.
(2) Present United States Air Force.
VIII. War plans of the United States:
(1) United States plans for attack.
(2) United States plans attack on western Pacific.
IX. Immediate war versus prolonged war:
(1) Immediate American war decision.
(2) Immediate Japanese war decision.
X. Time of conflict:
(1) Lightning military movements.
XI. Japan's attack on the Philippine Islands:
(1) The Philippine and Asiatic Fleet.
(2) Occupation of Guam by the Japanese Fleet.
XII. The fall of Manila:
(1) Japan's flag hoisted in the Philippine Islands.
XIII. Fear of destruction of foreign trade:
(1) Japan plans foreign trade destruction.
XIV. Singapore and Hong Kong:
(1) Problem of Singapore Army base.
(2) What becomes of Hong Kong?
XV. The United States Fleet in Hawaii:
(1) Pacific battle force and military strength.
(2) Entire fleet concentrates at Pearl Harbor.
XVI. Japan's surprise fleet:
(1) United States plans for crossing the ocean.
(2) Activities of the surprise fleet.
XVII. American naval expedition to Japan.
(1) Japanese expedition.
(2) Destruction of United States Fleet.
(3) Movement of Japan's fleet.
XVIII. United States Air Force attacks Japan:
(1) United States bombing of Japanese cities.
(2) Defense against air attack.
XIX. United States-Japanese great battle in the Pacific:
(1) Attacks of United States capital ships.
(2) Withdrawal of United States Fleet.
XX. Occupation of Hawaii and closing of Panama Canal:
(1) Japanese occupation of Hawaii.
(2) Japanese closing of Panama Canal.
XXI. Japan-Germany-Italy alliance and the United States:
(1) Establishment of the triple alliance.
(2) The meaning of the alliance.


Under that subtitle, the author of the book revealed Japan's plans to employ long-range submarines on the American side of the Pacific, and to take and use the Midway Islands as a submarine base:

Chapter 17, page 279. -- In the future, our submarines must be able to operate alone in the west Pacific; their ability to attack, and to make long journeys, is vitally important. Submarines which can travel 10,000 miles could easily cross the Pacific. There are very small type subs which could accomplish a lot on the American side of the Pacific.

Our navy will quickly occupy the Midway Islands, and a submarine base will be established at once. It is only 1,160 miles to Hawaii, a very convenient distance for our surprise fleet. To this surprise fleet belong * * * mine layers of type * * * model 21. This type is capable of carrying a heavy load of mines for distribution in American sea routes of merchantmen and battleships. We can then strike the enemy fleet at a most opportune time, and cut off communication lines as well as merchantmen. [Editor's note: The number and type of mine layers are not given in the original text.]

In discussing "Japanese Occupation of Hawaii," the book predicted that a Japanese naval victory would be sufficient incentive for the Japanese in Hawaii to immediately organize a volunteer army:

Chapter 21, pages 322-324. -- In the Japanese occupation of Hawaii, cooperation between army and navy is most important. The Midway Islands must be taken before we attack Hawaii, for they would give us a good foothold. It will be very easy to take Midway Islands, which are practically defenseless; in fact, it would require only about 1 day's bombardment to take them.

In Hawaii, there are about 150,000 Japanese, one-half of whom are Nisei (Japanese descendants of foreign citizenship). Once the news of Japanese naval victories reaches Hawaii, the Japanese there will quickly organize a volunteer army. There is no doubt but that Hawaii will come into our hands.

Of course, the Japanese strategists devoted much thought to the Panama Canal. Under the subtitle, "Closing the Panama Canal," they said:

Chapter 21, pages 330-332. -- The remaining question is: What will become of the Panama Canal? Panama is a little over 4,600 knots from Hawaii and about 8,000 knots from Japan, so an attack is not an easy matter, and will require a considerable navy force. If, at the outbreak of war, we proceed immediately to attack and close the Canal, we could cut off the Atlantic from the Pacific. It would prove an invaluable asset to our war strategy.

If the Panama Canal falls into Japanese possession and there is another Japan-America war, the United States will certainly strike at Panama; however, while Japan controls this area, the American Fleet will be divided -- one part in the Pacific, the other in the Atlantic -- and the two fleets cannot combine. American imperialism depends upon the strength of her navy, for without it her imperialistic ambitions cannot be realized. Once we control the Canal, we can enforce peace. Besides this, it will bring to an end American threats against Mexico and all other small nations in Central and South America.

Japanese possession of the Panama Canal has a direct bearing upon future peace; therefore, by all means, Japan must take the Canal and keep it even after the war. However, inasmuch as Panama is fortified, it will not be easy to take.

The "Meaning of Triple Alliance" carried a threat as to what America might expect as the result of a united attack from Japan, Germany, and Italy:

Chapter 22, pages 350-351. -- The purpose of the Berlin-Rome-Tokyo alliance is to secure the best possible cooperation in dealing with all kinds of military, political, and economic problems, and to assist one another in the strongest sense of the word. Should America become involved in the war, she would be subjected to a gigantic united attack by Japan, Germany, and Italy.

Only the flag of the sun, which symbolizes our nation, would fly over the Pacific. On the Atlantic, the swastika, which also symbolizes the sun and life, will be active with might. In addition, the meaningful flag of Italy would flash. In the face of all this, if America comes against Japan and tries to block her, it would be no more than a pin prick.


On October 26, 27, and 28, 1941, committee investigators and informers learned some interesting facts during their rounds of Little Tokyo in Los Angeles. Among other things, they obtained information which they embodied in the following telegram which they sent to the committee in Washington on October 30:

Have reliable information that files of Board of Tourist Industries, Japanese Government Railways, and Japan Tourist Bureau, Japanese Government, and Domei News Service are being transferred to Japan on Tatuta Maru {Tatsuta Maru} scheduled to depart from San Francisco Sunday November 2. Files are being handled in part by American Express Co. and will be stored on San Francisco docks until departure of Tatuta Maru. Please advise whether or not you desire us to subpoena the aforementioned files.

The committee's investigators also learned that some 300 members of the Japanese community, including such persons as the officials of the Japan Tourist Bureau and the Domei News Service (both Japanese Government agencies), were holding farewell parties preparatory to their departure for Japan. They were scheduled to sail from San Francisco on the liner Tatuta Maru, on the November 30 sailing of that Japanese vessel, and the committee's investigators so informed the committee in Washington.

The taking of these extraordinary measures seemed to indicate that some decisive step in Japanese-American relations was about to be taken by the Japanese Government. It was on the basis of this assumption that the committee's investigators sent their information to Washington. Agencies of the executive branch of the United States Government were in possession of the same information.



Long before Pearl Harbor, the Japanese had obtained possession of the most detailed and secret information concerning American bases, the American fleet, and other matters of the greatest strategic importance. Thousands of Japanese citizens, as well as thousands of American-born Japanese (Nisei), had traveled for years throughout the Pacific area gathering bits of information here and bits of information there. These agents of espionage forwarded this information through consulates and by means of couriers to the headquarters of the Imperial Navy in Tokyo. There it was assembled, analyzed, and given final comprehensive interpretation for use in the coming attack upon the United States.

One highly significant compilation of such information was prepared in the form of a map of the entire Pacific area. (A reproduction of this map slightly reduced in size is inserted and folded opposite this page, as exhibit No. 3.) This map in turn was placed in the hands of all those who were to play a part in the coming war. Agents of the committee obtained a copy of this map under extraordinarily difficult circumstances. The committee's study of the map furnished convincing proof of Japan's belligerent intentions. That study also provided a clue to the Japanese strategy as it affected the places marked for assault.




{NOTE: This map, entitled "Map of East Asia Pacific: Emergency National Defense Summary," was published in Japan in 1935. See also this Sept. 7, 1940 Daily News article on military strengths and US strategy in the Pacific region. View this 1942 map of Japan's colonial expansion, naval battles, and sinkings on the West Coast.}

The large circle around the Hawaiian Islands indicates the radius of the patrol of the United States Navy. The small insert maps at the bottom of the large map are numbered. The numbers indicate the following: (1) Guam, (2) Pearl Harbor, (3) Manila, (4) Hawaiian Islands, (5) San Francisco Bay, (6) Panama in detail, (7) Panama City, (8) Colon, and (9) the Panama Canal.

It will be observed that the first four of the foregoing places have already been subjected to Japanese attack.

The map indicates the locations of United States air bases, mines, Army and Navy bases, ocean cables, canals, railroads, and radio stations. It also indicates the fleet positions and formations of the United States naval vessels.



It is impossible to exaggerate the thoroughness with which the Japanese had studied the detailed construction of every vessel in the United States Navy. During the year before the attack on Pearl Harbor, the Japanese Government had printed and circulated a handbook devoted exclusively to the naval vessels of the United States. The circulation of this 200-page book was naturally limited to those Japanese who were in a position to serve Japan by the possession of this highly important information. It was with great difficulty that the agents of the committee were able to obtain a copy of the volume.

The covers and four pages from the book are reproduced in the exhibits which follow.

Exhibit No. 4 is the front cover of this handbook.

Exhibit No. 5 is the back cover of the volume.

Exhibit No. 6 is a picture of the airplane carrier Saratoga.

Exhibit No. 7 is a picture of the cruiser Indianapolis together with sketches of its construction.

Exhibit No. 8 is a picture of the Nevada together with sketches of its construction.

Exhibit No. 9 is a picture of the airplane carrier Saratoga together with sketches of its construction.







It was the committee's purpose to show in the proposed September hearings something of the pains to which the Japanese Government had gone to familiarize the members of the Imperial Japanese Navy, and others who were to participate directly in the attack on the United States, with the entire fleet of the United States Navy. Through witnesses who were competent to testify on the subject, the committee intended to reveal the extent and efficiency of the vast Japanese espionage system which had been able to gather such strategic information concerning the United States Navy and other matters vital to the defense of this country.

The case of Commander Itaru Tatibana {Tachibana} and Torzichi {Toraichi} Kono, Japanese espionage agents, illustrates one of the Nipponese Government's methods of obtaining important United States naval data. {NOTE: For more information on Tachibana, see IA153, IA021, IA120 and IA060.}

Tatibana was registered at the University of Southern California as a student. Kono was for 18 years secretary and valet to Charlie Chaplin.

Working through an ex-yeoman of the United States Navy, Tatibana and Kono obtained highly important and secret data on naval matters. During the first half of 1941, this ex-yeoman of our Navy was financed by the two Japanese espionage agents in making two trips to Pearl Harbor where, by reason of his former connection with our Navy, he was able to make contacts with men who were carrying out secretarial duties aboard the U. S. S. Pennsylvania, flagship of the United States Fleet. In this way, the Nipponese spies were able to obtain and to communicate important data to Tokyo.

In this Japanese handbook on the United States Navy, the photographs of the various naval vessels of this country are usually accompanied by detailed sketches representing both the horizontal and the perpendicular view of the ship. Likewise in most cases the vessels were actually photographed in such a way as to give both aerial and horizontal views.

Proof that this handbook was an up-to-date publication is seen in the fact that it contains detailed drawings of the battleships North Carolina and Washington. The book also contains a map of the United States which marks the various Atlantic bases which this country recently acquired from Great Britain in connection with the lend-lease arrangements.

The sketches indicate the location of guns and the subsurface compartments.

One of the most important uses to which this handbook was put was the placing of it in the hands of Japanese fishermen up and down our Pacific coast. By thoroughly familiarizing themselves with the appearance and construction of every craft in the United States Navy, these fishermen were able to communicate important information concerning the movement of our warships to their superiors in the Japanese espionage department.



In February 1941, the Japanese Government made available to its agents in the United States a collection of illustrations of spy techniques. These were especially designed for the use of those who were engaged in any kind of courier service for the Japanese military intelligence.

The Japanese espionage system has been far flung. Due to the special psychology developed among the nationals of the totalitarian states, hundreds or thousands of these nationals (as well as their sympathizers of other nationality or citizenship) engage in the work of espionage, especially in some of the less hazardous work of supplying information to espionage headquarters. Japanese treaty merchants, Japanese fisherman, Japanese tourists, Japanese students, and in fact members of all categories of Japanese residing in the United States were commandeered -- often on a non-remunerative basis -- into the work of espionage.

It will be noted from the exhibits which follow (exhibits 10 to 39, inclusive) that the Nazi espionage service was the probable origin of these illustrations of spy techniques. While the accompanying inscriptions are all in the Japanese language, the illustrations themselves are in many cases easily identified as of Nazi origin.

This collection of illustrations for spy techniques, obtained by the committee last year, is reproduced in the pages that follow in order that some light may be thrown on the way in which a vast amount of information has been transmitted by Japanese spies to their home government.


This is a woman's handbag with a secret compartment for concealing documents. According to the Japanese inscription at the bottom, the handbag is for the special use of women post-office workers. The photograph above is of the interior of the handbag, and that below is of the exterior.


This is a photograph of a woman who has a code message concealed in a necklace. In the picture at the right the bead which contains the code message is held between the thumb and the forefinger.


Here are photographed a woman spy and her daughter who carry on their spy activities disguised as peasants.


This is a photograph of Bernard Shaw's Devil's Disciple. Certain words in the volume are underlined in invisible ink. According to the Japanese inscription at the left, the spy must read page 45 of the book in order to decipher the code message.


This is a secret letter cover and a tobacco catalog used in transmitting a code message.


These are various views of a bar of chocolate which contains a secret code message.


Photographs of false teeth inside of which were concealed a code message and a diamond finger ring. The ring was to be used as remuneration for information obtained by the spy.


A postage stamp in which notches have been cut as a key to the understanding of the letter inside the envelope. According to the Japanese inscription at the bottom, the letter was from an Italian spy carrying on his activities in Austria.


A cigarette case inside of which is carved a map showing strategic points.


A code message concealed in the tube of a specially constructed lead pencil.


A code message hidden inside a tube of toothpaste.


A code message hidden inside the binding of a book carried by a spy.


According the Japanese inscription at the bottom, this is a reproduction of a picture postcard inside of which is concealed a code message.


According to the Japanese inscription at the bottom, this is a pair of field glasses inside of which is concealed a miniature camera. With this equipment, spies posing as tourists would be able to obtain photographs from tall buildings and other vantage points.


A message carried inside a pencil.


According to the Japanese inscription at the bottom, this is a phonograph record under whose center label is concealed vital information obtained by a worker in a factory.


A spy's message written in invisible ink across a newspaper advertisement.


A message placed underneath the name card in its leather holder to be carried across the border.


A specially constructed fountain pen with a compartment for secreting a message. The picture at the right is intended to show that the pen is indestructible even in the ruins of a city.


A spy's message concealed on the lining of a necktie.


A code message concealed underneath false teeth.


According to the Japanese inscription at the left, this is a lady's handkerchief in which the map of a strategic location is finely embroidered.


A code message placed inside a bar of soap.


A match box underneath whose paper covering is concealed a spy's message.


These matches have been cut in irregular lengths. When placed on a scale, they may be decoded to obtain a spy's message.


A specially constructed bus with compartments in the top for carrying messenger pigeons.


According to the Japanese inscription at the bottom, this is a messenger pigeon to which is attached a small camera for taking pictures while in flight over fortifications and other strategic objectives.


A traveling basket for carrying a messenger pigeon.


According to the Japanese inscription at the left, this is a balloon equipped with small parachutes which hold baskets carrying messenger pigeons. The balloonist releases the parachutes which are in turn picked up by confederates who take out the pigeons and use them to send messages back to base.


Miniature parachutes for dropping pamphlets on enemy territory.


The Japanese Government has demonstrated a definite interest in the water supply system of the city of Los Angeles. In this connection, it should be pointed out that the city of Los Angeles, together with its defense industries, is wholly dependent for its water supply on water brought to the city by means of an aqueduct system.

On June 28, 1934, K. Kageyama, chancellor, consulate of Japan, 1151 South Broadway, Los Angeles, Calif., addressed a letter to Mr. H. A. Van Norman, chief engineer and general manager, bureau of water works and supply, 209 South Broadway, Los Angeles, Calif., requesting detailed information on the Los Angeles water works system. (See Exhibit No. 40.)


On June 29, 1934, Mr. Van Norman addressed a letter to the United States Department of Justice, Division of Investigation, P. O. Box 536, Los Angeles, Calif., asking for advice as to furnishing the information to Mr. Kageyama. (See Exhibit No. 41.)


On July 6, 1934, Mr. J. E. P. Dunn, special agent in charge, United States Department of Justice, Bureau of Investigation, Los Angeles, Calif., acknowledged receipt of Mr. Van Norman's letter and stated that the matter did not come within the jurisdiction of his office and suggested that Mr. Van Norman communicate with the commanding officer, Fort MacArthur, San Pedro, Calif. (See Exhibit No. 42.)


On July 10, 1934, Mr. Van Norman addressed a letter to the commanding officer, United States Army, Fort MacArthur, San Pedro, Calif., asking for advice as to supplying the office of the consulate of Japan with the requested data. (See Exhibit No. 43.)


On July 11, 1934, Mr. Van Norman received a letter from Lt. Col. H. K. Oldfield, Sixty-third Coast Artillery, commanding, Fort MacArthur, San Pedro, in which he stated:

On this date I am forwarding your letter, together with enclosure, to the commanding general, Ninth Corps Area, Presidio of San Francisco, requesting instructions. Pending receipt of such instructions I would consider it extremely inadvisable to supply the data asked for. (See Exhibit No. 44.)


On July 17, 1934, Mr. Van Norman received another letter from Lt. Col. H. R. Oldfield, in which he stated that he had received instructions to the effect that the request of the Japanese consulate did not pertain to the peacetime functions of the Regular Army and that, therefore, military personnel were not in a position to advise the bureau of water works and supply in the matter. Lieutenant Colonel Oldfield advised Mr. Van Norman to contact the Bureau of Investigation, Department of Justice. (See Exhibit No. 45.)


Mr. Van Norman was right back where he started.

On January 12, 1942, Mr. Van Norman addressed a letter to Mr. R. B. Hood, special agent in charge. Federal Bureau of Investigation, 510 South Spring Street, Los Angeles, Calif., in which he enclosed copies of the aforementioned correspondence. (See Exhibit No. 46.)


On January 14, 1942, Mr. Van Norman received an acknowledgment of his letter to Mr. Hood. (See Exhibit No. 47.)


Investigation has revealed that Mr. Van Norman did not furnish the Japanese consulate with the information requested. The Japanese consulate made further attempts from time to time over the telephone to secure the desired information, but without success.

However, in the operation of their espionage system, the Japanese were not easily discouraged. Working through the civil service commission, Japanese were able to infiltrate Japanese-Americans into the department of water and power. Kiyoshi P. Okura has for some time past been the chief examiner of the Los Angeles Civil Service Commission. He is the son of Momota Okura, who was the commandant of the Southern California Imperial Veterans Association (Japanese) and an adviser for the Central Japanese Association. Momota Okura was an alien Japanese, and being a Japanese war veteran, was under the jurisdiction of the Japanese Government. Momota Okura has been arrested by the Federal Bureau of Investigation and is now being detained. So much for the background of Kiyoshi P. Okura's father, Momota Okura.

Kiyoshi P. Okura was a director of social relations in the Southern California Chamber of Commerce and Industry, a Japanese governmental agency. In his official position as chief examiner of the Los Angeles Civil Service Commission, he was helpful to Japanese-Americans desirous of obtaining positions with the Los Angeles city government, and this was especially true with reference to the Los Angeles City Water and Power Department.

It is significant that prior to the Japanese consulate's request, only one Japanese-American was on the pay roll of the department of water and power in Los Angeles, whereas, subsequent to his request, 12 additional Japanese-Americans were placed on the pay roll of that department. A list of these employees, together with information as to residence, birth place, birth date, class, status, division and location, and length of service, is given below at the end of this subsection.

While it is true that these Japanese-American employees of the department of water and power complied with the legal requirements of the civil service commission and they were the ones duly certified to the department of water and power when that branch of the city government requested technical help, investigation has revealed that Kiyoshi P. Okura made it a point to help Japanese-Americans secure employment with the department of water and power.

Since the committee's exposure of the number of Japanese employed in the department of water and power, the Honorable Fletcher T. Bowron, mayor of the city of Los Angeles, has taken prompt action and has suspended not only the 13 Japanese working in that department, but all other Japanese employed by the city. The Board of Supervisors of Los Angeles County has taken similar action and has suspended all Japanese in the county's employ.

Japanese employed in the Los Angeles Department of Water and Power
Name and address Birth place and birth date Class Status Division and location Length of service
Fukuda, Ernest T., 2040 West
30th St.
Territory of Hawaii, July 14, 1903. Junior civil engineer "A." Civil service Water distribution system, 410 Ducummon St. Since Apr. 23, 1928.
Hamaji, Roy S., 1940 West El Segundo. Olney, Colo., May 20, 1922. Junior clerk do Commercial division, 302 Broadway Bldg. Since Nov. 24, 1941
Inouye, Kikuye L., 124 S. Soto St. Los Angeles. Junior clerk-typist do Accounting division, room 430, 2d St. Bldg. Since Mar. 1, 1940.
Itou, Masaki D., 1021 Towne Ave. Fresno, Calif. Electrical tester do Test laboratories, 1630 N. Main St. Since Sept. 19, 1935.
Kataoka, Takio, 2637 East 2d St. Los Angeles, Oct. 8, 1915. Junior clerk do Commercial division, Civic Center Bldg. Feb. 5, 1940, to July 15, 1940.
Since Mar. 17, 1941.
Katow, Takeyuki, 2630 East 1st St. Los Angeles, Feb. 27, 1918. Structural draftsman do Power drafting, room 1228, 2d St. Bldg. Since July 1, 1940.
Kingi, Inomata, 857 East 43d St. Kashiwoaki, Japan, Dec. 10, 1898. Naturalization papers No. 890216 Pensacola, Fla., Jan. 29, 1919. Janitor do Test laboratories, 1630 North Main St. Since Apr. 14, 1937.
Kinoshita, Robert, 1524 West 36th
Los Angeles, Feb. 24, 1915. Structural draftsman Emergency Powerdrafting,room 1228,2d St. Bldg. Since Aug. 11, 1941.
Kimura, Harold H., 3816 Oakwood
Fresno, Calif., Mar. 8, 1914. do Civil service do Since May 1, 1939.
Narahara, Shizuko, 1507 West 35th
Fresno, Calif., June 17, 1917. Junior clerk-typist do Accounting division, room 430, 2d St. Bldg. Since Jan. 29, 1940.
Okabe, Thomas M., 804 East 3d St. Los Angeles, Dec. 29, 1918. Junior clerk do Test laboratories, 1630 North Main St. Since Jan. 16, 1940.
Uyehara, Hiroshi, 1007 South Soto
Oakland, Calif., Jan. 1, 1916. Electrical draftsman Emergency Power drafting, room 1228, 2d St. Bldg. Since Aug. 11, 1941.
Yoshida, Akira G., 1610 East 1st St. Los Angeles, Sept. 29, 1913. Junior mechanical engineer "A." Civil service Power drafting, room 1228, 2d St. Bldg. Since Apr. 14, 1941.

{NOTE: See chapter two in The Battle for Los Angeles: Racial Ideology And World War II by Kevin Leonard for related information on the above.}


The committee obtained from a Japanese source a map of California (see Exhibit No. 48 on p. 1792) which gives the locations of 39 important Army and Navy sites.

The key to the numbers appearing on this map is as follows:

(1) San Francisco Presidio Barracks.
(2) Fort Mason.
(3) Fort Milay.
(4) Fort Funston.
(5) Fort Winfield Scott.
(6) Fort McDowell.
(7) Fort Baker.
(8) Fort Barry.
(9) Fort Cronkhite.
(10) Heidel Temporary Barracks;
(11) Hamilton Air Field.
(12) Mare Island Navy Ship Yard.
(13) Bombing Training Field.
(14) Mother Air Field.
(15) McClellan Air Field and Army Aviation Corps.
(16) Benicia Powder Magazine.
(17) Secondary Aviation School.
(18) Army and Navy Supply Office.
(19) Alameda Navy Aviation Field.
(20) Moffett Aviation Field, Ames Aerial Research and Experimental Station, Navy dirigible (airship) proposed field.
(21) Hunters Point Dock.
(22) Twelfth Navy War Zone Headquarters.
(23) Army Aviation School.
(24) McWide Temporary Barracks.
(25) Army Air Field.
(26) Fort Ord.
(27) Army Aviation School.
(28) Jerone Training Camp.
(29) Clayton Temporary Camp.
(30) Army Bombing Plane Base.
(31) Army Aviation School.
(32) Roberts Temporary Barracks.
(33) Army Aviation School.
(34) Army Aviation Field.
(35) San Luis Obispo Temporary Barracks.
(36) Army Aviation School.
(37) Aviation Men's Training Base.
(38) Monterey, Presidio.
(39) Treasure Island Navy Training Camp and Repair Camp.


{Title: Army and Navy Bases Stationed in Northern California}


The ubiquitous camera-carrying Japanese has been a familiar sight in the United States for many years. There is very little in the United States which has escaped the lens of his camera.

It is not so well known, however, that the Japanese have succeeded in obtaining aerial photographs of all the cities up and down our Pacific coast. The committee does not know the precise manner in which all of these photographs have been obtained. It is nevertheless documentary evidence that such photographs are in the possession of the Japanese. It must be admitted that, by and large, these photographs have been rather easy to obtain, thanks to our easy-going pre-war attitudes.

On the pages that follow, three aerial photographs which the committee obtained from Japanese sources are reproduced. Perhaps the most important of them is the one of the Gatun locks of the Panama Canal. (See Exhibit No. 49 on p. 1795.) According to the Japanese inscription at the bottom of this particular aerial photograph, the Gatun locks are described as of "vital importance."


The other two exhibits of aerial photographs which are reproduced as Exhibits No. 50 and No. 51 on pages 1796 and 1797 contain five aerial views of Los Angeles.


The "Li'le Tokyo" from the air.


Aerial views of Los Angeles City Market and Wholesale Terminal Market.


Prior to the Japanese attack on Pearl Harbor, extreme carelessness marked the policy of the United States with reference to the location of Japanese residents of California. These potential saboteurs were permitted to take up residence or to carry on their business and their truck gardening in the immediate vicinity of important defense establishments, oil storage tanks, oil wells, harbors, and the like. The committee obtained numerous photographs which illustrated the menace of this situation. Exhibits No. 52 to No. 59, inclusive, are taken from the committee's large file of such photographs and maps.

Exhibit No. 59 is a folded-in map (between pp. 1806 and 1807) of Los Angeles, showing the strategic location of Terminal Island where some 3,000 Japanese lived. It was from this island that the Japanese fishing boats put out to sea, the crew members of which could be depended on to spy on the movements of the United States Navy on behalf of the Japanese Government.

Fortunately, the United States Government has now taken steps to cope with the menace described above by giving the Army authority to move the Japanese population from those areas where they have been in a position to do incalculable sabotage.


Japanese truck garden within a few yards of producing oil wells, picture taken on Figueroa Street, Los Angeles, Calif.


Japanese nursery located in oil field near San Pedro, Calif.


Japanese store across from tank farm at Wilmington, Calif.


Looking north on Gaffey Street. Union tank farm on right, Japanese truck garden below.


Japanese truck gardens underneath power lines and across highway from tank farm, near Wilmington, Calif.


Unprotected oil storage tanks on public highway near Los Angeles. Japanese lived nearby.


Union oil tank farm, with Japanese truck garden below.



Reproduced in Exhibit No. 60 is a letter in which an important Japanese concern requested vital information concerning the oil industry of this country. As in the case of the Japanese consulate's effort to obtain information concerning the water supply system of California, so in this case the effort to obtain important information was made openly without any of the secretiveness that usually is involved in espionage.





As evidence of the menace which existed in the large fleet of Japanese fishing boats present in our waters, the committee cites the historical record of two Japanese fishing boats which had observed the approach of the Russian Battle Fleet in the Straits of Tsushima in 1905 and immediately under forced speed proceeded to the Japanese naval base at Sasebo, where the Japanese High Seas Fleet, under Admiral Togo, was at anchor, and reported the approach of the Russian Fleet. Because of the quick action of these two Japanese fishing boats, Admiral Togo was able to align his forces in favorable battle formation before engaging the Russian Fleet. According to naval strategists, Admiral Togo's final victory was made possible through the information carried to him by these two Japanese fishing boats of the imminent approach of the Russian Fleet.

In the small city of Sasebo, on the Straits of Tsushima, a Shinto shrine has been erected to the memory of these Japanese fishermen and their boats, and to this day each anniversary of this memorable occasion is celebrated by all Japanese living in that area.


Unquestionably, Japanese fishing boats played an important role in Japan's successful attack on that most important naval outpost of the United States, Pearl Harbor. The groundwork for the attack, at least in part, was laid by espionage activities of Japanese officers and crew members on these Japanese fishing boats which had always operated, practically unmolested, in and around Hawaii, and notably in the Pearl Harbor area. The committee has in its files numerous photostats of articles and documents which bear directly upon the fact that well-informed persons residing in the Territory of Hawaii had for some time been cognizant of the menace of Japanese fishing boats and had sought to publicize these facts, hoping to enlist public support in securing the enactment of legislation sufficiently adequate to remove the menace.

Also, in the attack by the Japanese on the Philippine Islands, notably at Davao, Japanese alien fishermen living in that area were active in aiding Japanese troops in their landing operations. This information, as well as other information regarding Japanese fifth column activities in the Philippine Islands, both prior and subsequent to the present war between Japan and the United States, is now in the committee's files. It was made available to the appropriate agencies of our Government.

The committee's purpose in mentioning the foregoing incidents is to stress the fact that Japanese fishing boats have been utilized as scouts in modern warfare. The United States Navy has purchased, for mine laying and coastal patrol purposes, a number of the same type of fishing boats which had formerly been used by Japanese fishermen off our coast, and does not deny the fact that fishing boats of the type used by Japanese can be put into service by the enemy as navy auxiliary patrol vessels.

It is an established fact that Japanese submarines have recently appeared off the coasts of California and Panama and have been successful in sinking a number of United States' oil tankers. It is pointed out elsewhere in this report that Japanese naval officers have been members of the Japanese fishing fleet operating off the California coasts. The observations which these naval men were able to make while sailing in close proximity to the California coasts, and the knowledge thus gained, such as an intimate knowledge of the various channels, inlets, and waterways, would make them ideal navigators for the submarines which are now operating off the California coasts. Proof that Japanese submarines are manned by naval officers wholly familiar with the California coast line is found in the fact that these submarines have been operating so closely to the shore that the sinking of a tanker by a Japanese submarine was witnessed by persons standing on the shore.

Much has been said in the past, in newspaper and magazine articles and in radio broadcasts, about the menace of the Japanese owned or operated fishing boats plying in the waters off the west coast.

On May 9, 1941, the committee's investigators, Steedman and Dunstan sent the committee a three-page telegram in which they outlined the menace of Japanese-operated fishing boats. This telegram is reproduced as exhibits Nos. 61-63.

The committee had a large number of photographs made of the Japanese fishing boats operating in our waters. Some of these photographs are reproduced as exhibits Nos. 64-69.











Anyone familiar with the fishing industry on the west coast of the United States is cognizant of the fact that the fishing industry represents substantial financial investments. Inasmuch as the committee has more extensively investigated the fishing industry in the State of California than elsewhere on the west coast, the statistical data in regard thereto incorporated in this report applies only to the State of California.

As statistical figures and other reliable estimates will show, the fishing industry in the State of California has grown to enormous proportions, and its importance as a source of food supply has for several years been steadily increasing.

Total catch of fish, exclusive of shellfish

1916 ---------- pounds --- 86,490,392
1919 -------------do------ 250,453,244

As to the money value of this product, the following is quoted from Report of State Board of Control of California on California and the Oriental, which, in turn, quotes from a report of the State fish and game commission:

The wholesale value of the fish marketed fresh at 10 cents per pound would add $5,000,000 to the total value of fishery products, canned and dried, for the year 1919, making a total valuation of $26,417,743 for the year 1919. (P. 105.)

The valuation of California fishing-industry products fluctuates from year to year. According to information given the committee by the Fish and Game Commission of the State of California, the total valuation of fishing-industry products for the year 1940 (the last available statistics) was $20,395,000.

However, it has been contended that food fish is a natural resource, in common with other natural resources of the State, and should therefore be regarded as primarily and inherently belonging to the citizens of the United States rather than to aliens.


The report of the State fish and game commission places the total value of the investments in fish canneries in California at $7,708,871 up to December 31, 1919, and the latest available figures from the State fish and game commission show that the value of investments in fish canneries in the State of California in 1941 was $12,308,000 and that 10,919 persons are now employed in the various fish canning and packing establishments in California, of which number 2,751 are Japanese. In addition to this, 354 Japanese are employed in wholesale fresh fish markets in the State of California.


The following is a list of the California fish-canning plants, San Pedro district:

California Marine Curing & Packing Co., Terminal Island.
California Marine Curing & Packing Co., Newport Beach.
California Sea Food Co., Long Beach.
Coast Fishing Co., Wilmington.
Franco-Italian Packing Corporation, Terminal Island.
French Sardine Co., Terminal Island.
Italian Food Products Co., Long Beach and Newport Beach.
Sea Pride Canning Corporation, Terminal Island.
Sea Pride Canning Corporation, Wilmington.
South Pacific Canning Co., Long Beach.
Southern California Fish Corporation, Terminal Island.
South Coast Fisheries, Inc., Terminal Island.
Van Camp Sea Food Co., Terminal Island.
Western Canners, Inc., Newport Beach.


Prior to December 7, 1941, the Japanese had recognized the importance of this industry and had entered the fishing business in ever increasing numbers, until there were more Japanese fishermen operating on the coasts of California than any other nationality, except the Italians.

The committee again quotes from the report of State Board of Control of California on California and the Oriental, as follows:


It is very significant to note that the increase in Japanese fishermen as shown above from the license year 1915-16 to the license year 1919-20 was 168 percent, or 825 persons, while all of the other nationalities combined increased but 2.07 percent, or 88 persons. This increase in the number of Japanese fishermen is confined largely to Southern California waters.

For the fishing fleet, operating off our coast, to be manned by an alien people involves several factors vital to the best interests of this country, amounting, in fact, to potential dangers.

(1) Is it good public policy at any time, whether at peace or in war, to have so important a food as the fish 'supply monopolized by peoples of an alien race? The growth of the fish industry had made it one of the principal sources of food supply for the State.

(2) The fishing boats in their daily and constant travels in and out and up and down the coast acquire an intimate knowledge of coast line, harbors, and defenses, which is not only exceedingly valuable if used for the benefit of our country, but would be extremely dangerous to us and serviceable to an enemy if made available to such enemy during a period of war.

(3) The experience of the British, in particular, during the late World War demonstrated the value of the services of the fishing fleet for patrol duty along the coast* line during the war, the fishing fleet with its small boats scattered along the entire coast proved exceedingly valuable in reporting the approach of enemy boats and submarines. In the "case of California with a fishing fleet manned by aliens, especially if circumstances made them enemy aliens, we would not only lose the valuable services of these boats for patrol duty during a time of war but this same fishing fleet might become a powerful aid to the enemy.

(4) This fishing fleet provides a convenient means for illegal entry into the State. The following language appears on page 409 of the 1919 report of the United States Commissioner of Immigration: "Numerous Japanese fishing boats on the Pacific coast, operating in Mexican waters, are employed to facilitate the illegal entry of Japanese laborers" (p. 107).

Nativity of fishermen in California, based on official records and estimates

1915-16 1917-18 1918-19 1941
Italy 1,310 1,138 1,152 2,000
United States 1,094 970 1,185 4,106
Japan 491 998 1,261 3,000

Figures also submitted by the California State Fisheries Laboratory show that for the 1941-42 season there were 9,100 licensed commercial fishermen in the State. Of this number, 4,106 were American citizens, including those of Japanese extraction, and 4,994 were alien fishermen. Of the total number of licensed commercial fishermen, 702 were Japanese aliens and 323 were Nisei (American-born Japanese), making a total of 1,025 fishermen of Japanese extraction. Approximately 500 of this number operated out of Terminal Island.

However, in noting the foregoing figures, consideration should be given to the fact that California State Fish and Game Commission figures as to licenses granted commercial fishermen under California fish and game laws, did not give a true picture of the total number of persons engaged in this business, due to the fact that nonresident aliens who were fishing offshore were not required to have commercial fish and game licenses. (See the case of Abe v. Fish and Game Commission -- California.) It has been the custom over a period of years to employ nonresident alien Japanese on many of the large tuna clippers, who do no commercial fishing in the territorial waters of the State of California.

Neither do the California State Fish and Game Commission figures on commercial fishing licenses granted include the hundreds of alien Japanese sport fishing licenses which these aliens used in fishing from wharves, fishing barges, and pleasure fishing boats. These pleasure fishing boats operated throughout our harbors in fortified areas in the same manner as commercial fishing boats, and any alien Japanese could get reservation on them for a 1-day, up to a week's, trip on a pleasure sport fishing voyage.

Also, in this regard, the number of Japanese-owned or -operated fishing boats which operated out of California ports, based upon actual figures and official records, was in excess of 1,000.


As to the method of financing the Japanese fishermen, the following is quoted from the report of the State fish and game commission concerning the Japanese in southern California:

In most cases Japanese-owned boats are under obligation to some cannery. The cannery furnishes the Japanese with boat and equipment, turning ownership over to him but holding a mortgage on same until paid for by the Japanese. Each catch the Japanese brings in, a certain percent is taken out and credited on the mortgage of the boat. Investigations show that very few Japanese have their boats paid up in full. Japanese boats are registered with the United States customs house as Japanese-owned boats, that shows Japanese ownership according to the registration, but in most cases mortgages are held by some cannery. (Copied from report California and the Oriental, hereinbefore referred to, p. 106.)

The condition referred to in the foregoing quotation is still true today (1942), and clearly shows that American canneries, by financing Japanese fishermen, help create a form of competition which cannot help but react to the disadvantage of American fishermen.

The committee quotes a portion of a sworn statement given to it last year (June 1941) by an informant who had expressed his willingness to testify before the committee and to furnish documentary evidence and data in support of his testimony:

Question. What do you consider to be one of the most serious Japanese problems within the Los Angeles Harbor area?

Answer. There is not any one outstanding problem that is more dangerous than the other; the one that is probably the most obvious and the most easily corrected is the allowing of alien Japanese, particularly nonresident alien Japanese, to operate our commercial fishing fleet throughout our harbors and coast line.

Question. Within the California territorial waters?

Answer. That is entirely true. There is a condition similar to this existing in Hawaii and in the Philippines, and the Japanese are now manning the northern boats fishing off the shores of Oregon, British Columbia, and Alaska. This is particularly true of British Columbia. The reason that it appears to affect us here more than elsewhere is because of the situation which exists in the Los Angeles Harbor, where oil is stored and which is the concentration point of the national defense industry in shipbuilding and the base of the United States Fleet and the United States Fleet air base.

Question. With reference to the Japanese fishing boat problem, will you please elaborate on its potential danger to the United States?

Answer. Any potential enemy alien being employed on, and in many cases having the control of the operation of, these commercial fishing boats, who can legally navigate any of our waters and observe any of the activities of the fleet and berth his boat or vessel in a harbor that is so vitally necessary to carry on our defense efforts, is in a position to do untold harm, including sabotage, arson, and espionage, in multitudinous ways.

Question. Would you say that these fishing boats and alien crews have engaged in smuggling activities and alien running?

Answer. There is nothing to stop them. In the first place, you want to remember that many of these alien nonresident Japanese are young men whom the Japanese Navy themselves conceded in all probability to be officers or members of the Japanese Navy or Naval Reserve. That statement was by cable from Tokyo about 2 years ago, and the reason they gave for that statement was that for compulsory military training, they chose fishermen in many cases for naval training in the reserve, and when they had served their time and were discharged from training, they sought employment elsewhere, and to the best of my recollection, the Immigration Department should be in a position to verify that there are more than one thousand of these nonresident aliens that pass through here in bond to Lower California, Mexico, and later secure employment in the local fishing fleet but are no longer employed on those boats. Placing yourself in their position, it is perfectly normal to expect that they are going to do everything within their power to delay our national defense preparations, particularly when they imagine they are directed against their own country, Japan, and in their employment on these fishing boats, they are in an ideal spot to carry out such a program. I would do the same identical thing -- if I were allowed employment on a Japanese fishing boat operating in a Japanese naval base in Japan, I would make every effort to give a very good account of myself.

Question. Do the Japanese fishing boats constitute a menace to the United States Fleet?

Answer. So long as these boats come and go without crew lists in their daily occupation of fishing in local waters, it is quite possible for them to load on board in the harbor practically anything they want to take out and deliver to other boats on the high seas, including correspondence, possibly individuals anxious to get out -- small equipment, cameras, binoculars, steel drills, and things of that character, as well as a vast majority of the commodities on the restricted list of articles prohibited from export by the Federal Government. They dock these boats in the lee of the oil tanks at the water side in the harbor district, and it is a comparatively simple matter for those boats to catch afire and explode, with their gasoline engines. If such a plan were properly laid out, and their efforts coordinated, it could destroy the entire harbor district. It is quite possible that they can contact vessels on the high seas, and have been known to do so. Court records have shown this to be true in the past. Explosives or other essential equipment necessary to carry out plans for arson could be removed from these large ships on the high seas. A specific example of a fishing boat meeting a vessel on the high seas is, I believe, somewhere in my files. I have letters from eye witnesses who have seen these vessels contacted by Japanese on the high seas, and in the case of the United States v. Salich and Gorin, a naval intelligence report was introduced in the testimony of Captain Zacharias, United States Navy, showing that one of these Japanese fishing boats contacted a German ship on the high seas and removed certain acids to storage at Ensenada, Mexico.

Question. With reference to an article entitled "Rising Sun Over California * * * So This Is Fishing," by H. R. Washburne, which appeared in the May 1939 issue of Trend Magazine, published by the California State Junior Chamber of Commerce, is it true that you furnished most of the" information contained in this article?

Answer. It is true that Mr. Washburne did interview me and I furnished him with the two photographs that were used in connection with the article, the one showing the American tuna clipper with the Japanese flag on it, and the other showing the profile and plan drawing and how it is possible to convert a tuna Clipper into a mine layer and torpedo boat.

Question. Is it not true that you made the original blueprint of the diagram?

Answer. The tracing was made at my suggestion and under my personal supervision for the purpose of graphically illustrating my argument.

Question. You have read this article, have you not?

Answer. Yes, sir.

Question. In your opinion, is the article as it appeared in the publication authentic?

Answer. Considerable time has elapsed since I read the article, but it is my recollection that it is the best article of its kind written on the subject.

Question. In this article it is stated that "military experts of the United States have observed that a large proportion of the officers of the Japanese controlled fishing boats are retired officers of the Imperial Japanese Navy; and members of the crew are often reservists or even active personnel of the Japanese Navy on leave for 'training.'" And further, that "the Nipponese Government through its official spokesmen, according to a United Press dispatch of April 8, 1938, admitted: 'The Japanese conscript law naturally produces naval reservists, which, after leaving the navy, work * * * in the fishing industry. Naturally we take sailors from fishing groups, wherever possible. When their naval training is finished they return to their former employment. Most likely, therefore, there are (Japanese) reservists in any fleet (flying Japanese flag or controlled by Japanese).'" Did you give this information to Mr. Washburne?

Answer. The text was copied directly from the cable received over the United Press wire, with this exception, that the author injected the matter between the brackets and quoted it all. The last sentence should read as it did in the cable: "Most likely, therefore, there are reservists in any fleet."

Question. With regard to the alien owned or operated fishing boats operating within the territorial waters of the United States, what statistics are available with regard to the number of alien owned or operated fishing boats so operating?

Answer. First, to get the record straight, aliens cannot legally own these boats, but they are owned by corporations, and with the exception of the captain or master, and wireless operator, may all be operated by alien Japanese reservists, if they care to. Accurate statistics concerning the total number of alien controlled, operated, or manner commercial fishing boats are not available. There is no complete record which shows their control. Many of these vessels, owned by American citizens, are operated by aliens, and they are not even required to carry a crew list. Those vessels fishing offshore required to carry a crew list do not have to have California State fish and game licenses, so that statistics from any of these sources, whether the Customs, Immigration, California State Fish and Game Commission, etc., are incomplete and will not show a true picture of the situation.

Question. What would be your estimate concerning the number of alien operated fishing boats at the present time operating within and about the territorial waters of the State of California?

Answer. If this estimate is to include all alien groups, Japanese, Italians, Portuguese, etc., and all sizes of commercial fishing boats, I would say there are not less than 1,000. In some of these boats there are not 100 percent alien crews, but aliens are in the majority and could take physical control.

Question. Is it not true that the American Legion of the State of California has been greatly concerned over the activities of alien operated fishing boats within the territorial waters of the State of California?

Answer. Yes.

Question. And have they not taken steps in the past to see that remedial legislation was enacted within the Assembly of the State of California to deal with this situation?

Answer. In 1935, at the California State Convention of the American Legion, a resolution was passed instructing our department officers to introduce legislation at Sacramento which would restrict all commercial fishing under the jurisdiction of the State to citizens of the United States. This resolution, or mandate, has been passed at every department convention since that time by an overwhelming majority, almost unanimously. The legislation was introduced at the State legislature in 1935, in 1937, and in 1939, and in each case, was killed in committee.

Question. What is your personal opinion as to the reason why this bill was never reported out of committee?

Answer. It is an intriguing question, on which I have some very definite ideas but no proof. It should be obvious that the opposition to this legislation, including the alien elements and the commercial fish canneries, was stronger than the American Legion rank and file, of which we have 60,000 members.

Question. In this connection, would you say that the Japanese organizations within the State of California were very much against the enactment of this legislation?

Answer. Definitely they were actively opposing this legislation, including their language newspapers.

Question. Would you state for the record the name of the organization, or group, or individual, connected with any Japanese organization, which was most active in opposing this legislation?

Answer. The Japanese-American Citizens League -- Ken Tsukamoto, Sacramento, attorney and past prescient of the Japanese-American Citizens League -- and the English editor of the Rafu Shimpo, Togo Tanaka. Tsukamoto was elected the most outstanding Nisei of the year, and Tanaka was given honorable mention for the successful efforts in defeating the bill in the Nisei Association of America in the contest for the outstanding Nisei.

Question. Will you please state for the record the pertinent points contained in the proposed bill?

Answer. Restricted all commercial fishing under control of the State of California to citizens of the United States, and it included a very heavy penalty for violation of the law or anyone conniving with an alien to violate the law. The word "alien" did not appear in the act at all and it was not an anti-alien act as it has been typed. It merely restricted the exploitation of our natural resources of food fish to our own citizens.

Question. Do you believe that the present bill, which has recently been passed by the State Legislature of the State of California, concerning this situation, is adequate to cope with the potential danger of the alien fishing boats?

Answer. Definitely not any more than I would graft skin over a cancer to cure it. It accomplishes no definite purpose.

Question. What does this present bill provide, and wherein does it fall short of being a satisfactory bill to cope with the situation as you see it?

Answer. This bill which has just been enacted provides for the photographing and fingerprinting of persons engaged in commercial fishing on board these vessels, but allows them to continue their employment, and it further provides that these boats are not supposed to go within 100 yards of the naval craft, but the poorest binoculars and spent torpedoes are not handicapped by that distance, and therefore the act, as such, is ineffective to the extent that it does not remove the menace of these aliens on board these vessels, and the very fact that the bill was supported by the Japanese-American Citizens League and all of the interests that fought the American Legion legislation, indicates to me that it is a smoke screen and not intended to accomplish the result of eliminating this potential menace, but merely to continue the conditions as they existed in the past.

Question. In general, then, you believe that the alien fishing boat situation presents a potential and real menace to the security of the United States?

Answer. I very definitely do.

Question. And it is true, is it not, that these fishing vessels, as stated in the article in Trend, notably the tuna clippers, which have a considerable radius of operation and have been reported to have remained at sea for as long as 30 days without refueling, do and can present a real problem so far as the security of the United States is concerned?

Answer. Very definitely they constitute a menace, with their almost unlimited cruising radius -- even 4 of the purse seiner or small type of vessels have steamed under their own power to the Philippine Islands and returned. About 30 of this latter type have been purchased by the United States Navy for use along the coast.

In further support of the foregoing testimony, the committee also incorporates into this report portions of the testimony of two informants -- American citizen fishermen -- who were actually engaged in fishing operations off the California coast and who had, in their wide experience, come into contact with many Japanese fishermen and fishing boats:


Question. What is your business?

Answer. Fisherman.

Question. Where were you born?

Answer. Dalmatia.

Question. That is a part of Jugoslavia?

Answer. Yes.

Question. When did you come to the United States?

Answer. In 1921, and came to Los Angeles January 21, 1921.

Question. When did you become a citizen?

Answer. November 5, 1926.

Question. Have you been fishing out of Los Angeles since?

Answer. I was in Alaska for three seasons, 1927, 1928, and 1929, for 4 or 5 months each season, and then I came back here.

Question. When did you first begin to fish in these waters?

Answer. The first day I came I went fishing in Mexico. Since 1933 I have been fishing out of San Pedro and off the Lower California coast.

Question. During those years, did you notice that the Japanese were doing quite a bit of fishing in the waters of Lower California?

Answer. Oh, yes; all the time, and all kinds of fish.

Question. When you were fishing off the west coast of Mexico, did you notice any Japanese boats down there?

Answer. Sure -- they were tuna clippers.

Question. Did they ever raise the Japanese flag?

Answer. When these fishing boats were from 60 to 70 miles from shore and whenever they passed a large Japanese steamer, they would salute with the Japanese flag.

Question. In other words, when the fishing boats passed the Japanese liners, they would salute?

Answer. Yes -- they saluted the liners with the Japanese colors.

Question. Were these fishing boats American boats?

Answer. Yes; I think they were.

Question. What kind of a crew did they have?

Answer. A white man engineer was employed on all of them, working out of the canneries, but the members of the crews were mostly Japanese.

Question. Did you later buy your own fishing boat?

Answer. Yes.

Question. Who helped you buy it?

Answer. We put down $10,000 cash -- I and my partner, and Van Camp's took a mortgage on the boat for the balance.

Question. What did you agree to do for Van Camp in order to obtain this mortgage?

Answer. We paid him 6 percent on the money.

Question. It is true, is it not, that when you were fishing off the Gulf of Lower California-Mexican waters, you observed many Japanese fishermen working for the Mexican canneries at Ensenada?

Answer. Yes; at Turtle Bay, Ensenada, and Cedros Island.

Question. About how many fishing boats manned by Japanese are to be found in one fishing area?

Answer. Only about two of them are manned by white men completely.

Question. When the United States Fleet was stationed in the San Pedro area, did you ever notice that the Japanese fishing boats cruised around them and that pictures were taken by members of the Japanese crew?

Answer. I saw them take pictures. They took pictures of the shores in the Gulf of Lower California.

Question. You have noticed, have you not, that almost all of the Japanese members of crews of these boats carry cameras?

Answer. Yes; a lot of them.

Question, You know, do you not, that all of these Japanese fishing boats carry two-way radios?

Answer. The tuna clippers have wireless and the smaller boats have radio telephones.

Question. Is it not a fact that these Japanese fishing boats, by employing Japanese crews, keep good American citizens from obtaining employment on these boats?

Answer. Oh, yes; absolutely -- the Japanese work cheaper and the canneries like to employ them in preference to us.

Question. In other words, the canneries want to continue having Japanese fishermen on the island so they can have cheap labor?

Answer. Yes.

Question. Do you believe that the alien-operated fishing boats which operate out of San Pedro and other fishing ports along the west coast are a menace to our national security?

Answer. They are too patriotic for Japan, and therefore they are a menace to our national security.

Question. Do you believe that these boats could be run alongside oil docks or other strategic wharves and that they could be used to destroy these oil docks and wharves either by fire or by explosives?

Answer. It is easy to do right now when there's nobody watching.

Question. Therefore, you believe, do you not, that the concentration of a Japanese alien population in such close proximity to the national defense area and the principal fleet base of the United States is a definite menace?

Answer. Yes; absolutely.

Question. When you were in partnership with -----, and -----, a Japanese, the members of the crew of your boat at that time were Japanese, were they not?

Answer. There were three white men and the rest were Japanese.

Question. During this period of about 5 months when you worked with the Japanese crew, you observed, did you not, that they were for Japan and that at various times, stated they were for Japan?

Answer. Absolutely.


Question. How long have you been a fisherman?

Answer. Since 1918.

Question. Where did you begin fishing?

Answer. In Alaska.

Question. How long did you fish there?

Answer. Nine or ten years.

Question. Did you ever run into the Japanese when you were fishing off the Alaskan coast?

Answer. Yes; in Bering Sea -- 3 or 4 miles out -- small boats would operate from big ships. These big ships were cannery ships, made of steel, and weighed about seven to eight thousand tons. There were four of them.

Question. When did you last fish off the Alaskan coast?

Answer. In 1935.

Question. Were these big ships operating at that time?

Answer. Yes.

Question. When did you come down to San Pedro?

Answer. I came down to San Pedro in 1936.

Question. Did you buy a boat or did you fish with someone else?!

Answer. I bought a boat at that time -- the -----, which I sold later.

Question. Have you recently bought another boat?

Answer. I bought a boat with -----, called the -----, on -----.

Question. Did the Van Camp Sea Food Co. help you buy this boat?

Answer. Yes, sir.

Question. I believe you heard the testimony of Mr. -----. What he said about the purchase of the boat is substantially correct, is it not?

Answer. That is correct.

Question. Did a Japanese by the name of ----- have an interest in this boat?

Answer. Yes.

Question. When you first started out in November 1940, with this boat, was the crew composed mostly of Japanese?

Answer. Yes.

Question. Are they hard to control when they get out in the open sea?

Answer. They are.

Question. Did your crew give you any trouble?

Answer. No -- but as a rule they are hard to control.

Question. Are Japanese good fishermen?

Answer. Not so hot -- white people are better fishermen.

Question. This Japanese had charge of the crew, did he not?

Answer. Yes.

Question. When you bought an interest in this boat, ----- already had a crew, did he not?

Answer. Yes, sir.

Question. And because of the fact that ----- was a Japanese, the Japanese crew naturally looked to him for directions when out at sea?

Answer. Yes.

Question. In other words, he was something on the order of a "straw" boss?

Answer. They (the crew) were scared of him.

Question. Is there someone on the order of a Japanese "straw" boss who controls the Japanese crews on all of these Japanese boats that have American masters and American engineers?

Answer. Yes; so far as I know.

Question. When the boats are out at sea, they are more in control of the Japanese than the Americans?

Answer. Yes; that is right.

Question. By having an American as a master and as an engineer, the Japanese are able to evade the law in this regard, but they really control the ship and the crew, is that right?

Answer. Yes. When they get out at sea, they control the boat and the crew.

Question. How long did you continue to operate with a Japanese crew before you tried to get rid of them?

Answer. About 5 months -- I tried to get them out three or four times.

Question. How did you finally get rid of the Japanese crew?

Answer. We came in about 10 days before the close of the season. At about 5 o'clock in the morning, in the galley, they fixed some kind of a breakfast and then went home and said "Everything is O. K." I got a key from the pilot house and then I went home, too, and went to bed. The telephone rang. My wife answered it, and said that a Jap wished to talk to me. I answered the phone and this Japanese told me that he was calling from the dock and that the boat was on fire. Then I dressed quickly and telephoned my partner, -----. We went down to the dock and that Jap who called me on the phone was waiting for us there. We went in his car and I said, "What is the matter?" He said, "The boat is on fire but not damaged very much." Then we went on board and found a Japanese cook on the boat -- he was drenched with water -- he had poured water on the floor and everywhere to put the fire out. All the deck under the stove was burned out. The boat was tied up for 12 days, and by that time the season was over, and we said we would not hire any more Japanese because we do not trust them.

Question. Did you ever hear the Japanese who is at present on the fishing boat ----- state that he learned all he knew about navigation when he was in the Imperial Japanese Navy?

Answer. Yes.

Question. You believe, do you not, that there are a number of these Japanese on these fishing boats who are well educated and who probably were in the Japanese Navy at one time?

Answer. Yes.

Question. And these Japanese fishermen know every foot of our harbor and coastal waters better than our own people?

Answer. Yes.

Question. Would you say that Japanese pilots, such as -----, who was on your boat, are better qualified as pilots than pilots of other nationalities?

Answer. Yes.

Question. Would you say they know every foot of the coast line?

Answer. I do not know about Lower California, but I do know that a Japanese by the name of -----, who had a fishing boat, -----, in 1935, operating off the coast of Oregon and California, boasted that he knew those waters better than any man he ever saw. He knew all about the bottom and the rocks and everything else about those waters.

Question. And it is your opinion that Japanese make excellent pilots?

Answer. Yes.

Question. If these Japanese pilots were to return to Japan and enter the service of the Japanese Navy again, they could very well serve as pilots on Japanese submarines and come over here?

Answer. Yes.

Question. Do you believe that these Japanese mother ships could bring men and supplies and land them on the Alaskan coast?

Answer. That is true. They could land a million men without anyone knowing it because there are large bays, 50 miles in width, along the Alaskan coast, and nobody whatsoever is around there, except perhaps a few Eskimos.

Question. You have actually seen Japanese operating small boats within the 3-mile limit?

Answer. Yes; I have broken a lot of these small glass buoys that the Japanese use to hold up fishing nets.

Question. Many of these Japanese operated fishing boats are very fast, are they not?

Answer. Yes; some of them.

Question. Would you say that the tuna clippers have a long cruising radius?

Answer. Yes. They can go to Europe if they want to -- or to Japan.

Question. You then agree entirely with the statement that the Japanese aliens are a definite menace to our national security in being allowed to operate in the territorial waters of. the United States, near United States Navy anchorages, near Navy docks, and in strategic areas?

Answer. In my opinion, they are too dangerous.

(The foregoing statements were taken on July 8, 1941.)

In its extensive investigations into the Japanese fishing situation, the committee made contact with the Honorable Benjamin Harrison, Judge of the United States District Court for the Southern District of California. Prior to August 23, 1937, Judge Harrison was engaged in the general practice of law at San Bernardino, Calif. On said date of August 23, 1937, he assumed his duties as United States attorney for the southern district of California, which position he held until he became United States district judge in 1940.

During his term as United States attorney. Judge Harrison prosecuted numerous cases involving Japanese espionage among the Japanese fishermen domiciled on Terminal Island, and therefore the committee deems it expedient to incorporate in this report the authoritative testimony of Judge Harrison:

Shortly after I assumed my duties as United States attorney, my attention was called to two reports of the customs agent, covering investigations into the ownership of two fishing boats, namely, the Nancy Hank and the Three Stars. The reports indicated that these boats were in whole or in part owned by aliens and were subject to libel under title 46, section 325, United States Code.

Before commencing libel proceedings, I caused a general investigation to be made concerning the ownership of the vast fleet of fishing boats operating out of the ports of San Pedro and San Diego. This investigation disclosed that a goodly portion of the fishing boats were tainted with alien ownership. I found it was customary for a fishing boat to he owned by a group and often only one or two would be aliens, yet, such boat was subject to forfeiture, thereby working great hardships upon innocent citizens and if such forfeiture were insisted upon, the life savings of numerous individuals would be wiped out. I further ascertained that there were four groups of nationals operating these fishing boats, namely, Slavonians, Portuguese, Italians, and Japanese, and that when a fishing boat left a port it was usually manned by nationals of one of the above named groups. The investigation further disclosed that the fishing industry in the waters of southern California had its first real impetus during the First World War. During that period and immediately following the fishing industry was greatly encouraged and developed. Statistics show that in 1937 the annual catch for California amounted to approximately $34,000,000 and approximately $10,000,000 represents the permanent investment in cannery equipment. The industry furnished employment to approximately 10,000 people. I further learned that a strict and harsh enforcement of section 325 would seriously disrupt the industry and that large investments in the canneries and boat ownerships would be seriously affected, and many people probably would be added to the large rolls of unemployment which existed at that time. It was also ascertained that the widespread alien ownership was partially due to the lack of enforcement of the navigation laws of the United States. The enforcement evidently had been relaxed for the purpose of encouraging the upbuilding of this new industry. It therefore seemed to me unduly harsh that the Government should impose the severe penalty provided by section 325 when it had been partially responsible for the unhealthy condition existing.

After numerous conferences with representatives of the industry and representatives of the Department of Commerce, we arranged for a method of eliminating the alien ownership under compromise agreements, to which the industry apparently assented. But after means of affecting settlements had been arrived at, we found that the industry was not cooperating in accordance with our understanding and as a result the Federal grand jury for this district indicted Genkichi Koishi, Walter H. Gillis, Montgomery Phister, Roy P. Harper, Harry C. Ward, and Gilbert Van Camp under section 88, title 18, United States Code. After considerable skirmishing around the defendants were re-indicted under section 808, title 46, United States Code, to which all defendants entered a plea of nolo contendere and fines of $7,000 were imposed. In addition to the $7,000 fine the defendants, who with the exception of Koishi, were directors of the Van Camp Sea Food Co., paid an additional $38,000 in satisfaction of libels against the two boats referred to in the indictment.

The industry thereby ascertained that the Government was serious in its intention of enforcing the navigation laws and thereafter fully cooperated in eliminating alien ownerships from fishing boats.

As a result of this campaign we were instrumental in collecting fines and penalties for the Government approximating from $150,000 to $180,000 and thereby virtually eliminated all alien interests in the fishing boats working out of the ports of southern California. We only concerned ourselves with boats in excess of 20 tons.

From information we had learned that these boats varied in value from $20,000 to $200,000; all are equipped with Diesel engines and most of them with shortwave radio apparatus. Many of them had cruising ranges up to 6,000 miles.

We also learned that those engaged in the industry found it very remunerative. All men worked on shares, and we learned that the average earning of a fisherman was approximately $2,500 per year and that many earned from $4,000 to $6,000 per year. It appears that fishermen are born, not made, and many who attempt to engage in the industry find that they do not have "fisherman's luck" and that it takes time to train those who appear to be fit for this occupation.

During our contact with this program we came in close touch with the representatives of the Naval Intelligence in this area and found that we had their wholehearted support in our program. We further learned that boats manned by aliens, particularly Japanese, were viewed with considerable suspicion. Naval Intelligence officers felt that the boats manned by Japanese in particular were engaged in constant espionage work and with their intimate knowledge gained in the operation of these boats knew our coast line and harbors perfectly, and in the event of a national emergency would be in a position to do widespread sabotage. In fact, through the operation of these boats they not only came in contact with our own coast line but with the entire coast line of Central and South America.

When we completed our program as outlined, to our sorrow learned we had accomplished but little. While the boats were citizen owned, they were still being manned by the same group of aliens, and it became apparent that it made little difference who owned the boats, but the real problem was who manned the boats. I then realized that we had made a drive, imposed heavy penalties on the industry, and yet accomplished nothing toward the elimination of those who might be interested in either espionage or sabotage.

The States of Washington and Oregon have to a marked degree corrected this situation by State legislation, whereby they limited the issuance of commercial fishing licenses to citizens only. We attempted to obtain like legislation from our State legislature but were blocked by the combined efforts of communist, Japanese organizations, canneries and labor organizations. At a hearing before the Fish and Game Committee of the State Legislation of the State of California, Commander Zacharias, who at the time was in charge of the Naval Intelligence for this area, appeared before this committee after he had obtained authority from his superiors in Washington. At the hearing Commander Zacharias urged the adoption of this State legislation and stated that it would materially add to our national security. We were thus confronted with the fact that notwithstanding it was common knowledge that the Congress of the United States was appropriating millions for national defense, upon the recommendation of the Navy Department, the State Legislature of the State of California refused to take seriously the recommendation of Commander Zacharias. We had the support of the Congress of Industrial Organizations. A side light of this is the fact that most of the Japanese fishermen belong to the American Federation of Labor, while most of the citizen fishermen belong to the Congress of Industrial Organizations.

The Native Sons of the Golden West and the American Legion were both very active in urging the adoption of this legislation.

Public sentiment in California was definitely in favor of this legislation and those of us who were interested in correcting this evil thought of submitting the matter through a referendum but the cost of about $25,000 to initiate it made it impossible.

Thereafter Congressman Harry R. Sheppard of California introduced a bill (H. R. 8180). Later Congressman Bland introduced a bill (H. R. 9918) dealing with the subject matter. The Bland bill was passed by the House but failed to receive action from the Senate before adjournment. Since then no further legislation has been introduced in Congress to my knowledge. As far as I know the State of California has passed no legislation that would be effective in handling this problem.

Personally, I am unable to testify to any acts of espionage nor do I know of any sabotage which has been committed by the group of aliens operating our fishing fleet, however, in the case of United States v. Gorin, which I personally prosecuted, wherein one of the defendants was accused of purloining reports from the Naval Intelligence Office and selling the same for a consideration to the defendant Gorin, an agent of the Union of Soviet Socialist Republics, reports of the Naval Intelligence Office were introduced in evidence and an examination of the exhibits clearly indicates that the Naval Intelligence has been keeping a very close check on the activities of Japanese. I am attaching copies of two reports (exhibits 1 and 2) which refer to certain activities that indicate strong suspicion of espionage and possible sabotage. This case was appealed to our circuit court and a report therefore may be found in 111 F. 2d 712. The conviction of the defendants was finally affirmed by the Supreme Court of the United States, January 13, 1941, and is found in 312 U. S., page 19.

Of course, constant rumors were brought to me concerning the activities of the fishing boats, particularly those manned by Japanese, but as I stated before no overt acts that could be substantiated were brought to my attention.

Your attention should be called to the fact that the only American bottoms that are not necessary to be manned by American citizens are fishing boats and yachts. Your attention should also be called to the fact that recently the Navy has acquired a number of these boats and are now being prepared to be used as mine layers, mine sweepers, and gate tenders. The recent war has indicated their usefulness at the time of a national emergency and in the event of a national emergency many of these boats, with their wide cruising range, could easily be lost to this country and made available to a potential enemy. These boats should be entirely manned by American citizens thereby insuring their availability in the event their use becomes a necessity. They will never truly be American bottoms until they are American owned and American manned.

I think I should further call your attention to section 802, title 46 United States Code which still permits aliens, through subterfuge by the incorporation route, to circumvent the ownership of these bottoms.

It may be of further interest to your committee to note that section 325 was first enacted during the administration of George Washington. It was enacted pursuant to a message he sent to Congress under date of December 8, 1790. An excerpt of this message is attached to this statement, (exhibit 3) which certainly reflects that history repeats itself.

Your attention is further directed to certain hearings that were held by Congressman Bland's committee in which several departments of the Government were represented.

This statement indicates that all I can give you is a general background of the picture. I have assumed throughout that the free access of our ports by aliens, that are now recognized as potential enemies, is detrimental to our national security. The Naval Intelligence should have available supporting evidence in this respect.

I might further state that since the agitation for legislation correcting this evil, practically all alien fishermen who are eligible to citizenship have become naturalized. The only group that will be seriously affected by such legislation are the alien born Japanese.

I do not wish to be understood as being prejudiced in any way against the Japanese. They have proven themselves intelligent, alert, energetic, and their children excel as students in our schools. Any criticism I might have is toward our former governmental policy that permitted a minority group that is not subject to assimilation to settle in our midst. I am informed that we now have in excess of 100,000 in California. During the period of my intense interest in this subject I have been motivated solely by the desire to correct a condition that might, in the event of an emergency, endanger the security of this Nation.

In my efforts to obtain both State and Federal legislation I have interviewed many representatives of the Government and found that the main obstacle in procuring legislation is due to the fact that this problem exists only in southern California and the Hawaiian Islands. To many it appears harsh to enact legislation that will affect innocuous aliens engaged in fishing in other parts of the United States. To my way of thinking an American bottom should be redefined to be a bottom that is both American owned and American manned.

(Exhibit 1)


June 27, 1938.

Memo for DIO.
Subject: Japanese fishing boats.

1. The following information has come from a fairly reliable informant.

In June 1937 the Japanese fishing boat Flying Cloud, which was registered to owner Mato Suke Tsuida, San Diego, purchased from Van Camp Sea Food Co., came into Ensenada from the south with a very heavy load of gasoline drums. These drums were procured from the German freighter Edna, were landed in Ensenada, and stored in a flour mill nearby. In September 1937 the same procedure took place. The keeper of this mill was an Italian who kept it under a guard of two men day and night. These drums were about twice the size of our own gasoline drums. The drums' ends were painted yellow, and the only lettering was the stenciled initials A. H. In October 1937 the contents of one of these drums was secured and substance tested. It was found to be not gasoline but an acid substance which when mixed with salt turned into minute bubbles, just under the surface of the water, and attacked violently any metals placed in this solution. The flour mill in which these drums were stored burned down the day before an immigration officer was shot on the border while trying to stop two men from crossing into the United States.

In the fall of 1937, a vessel in the molasses trade, between the Hawaiian Islands and the United States which bore an Indian name, was loading molasses at a sugar mill in Hawaii, when it was reported that some of this substance was dumped overboard on a rising tide by a Japanese fishing boat. The plates of this vessel were supposed to have been 25 percent eaten during the period of her loading. In February 1938, two Japanese were arrested by fish and game commission for using acid near the jetty of Terminal Island to catch fish. The informant suspicious of this, investigated immediately and believed this to be the same substance, but was used to eat away a large cable, one end of which was imbedded in the jetty. All of these facts have not been checked as yet and an investigation will be conducted. Efforts will be made to obtain samples of this alleged acid. It is noted that this acid is supposed to come on German boats through the Panama Canal. If such drums are seen by the inspectors at Panama, a sample of their contents should be taken. The drums should be examined with a possibility of an inner container. The fishing boat Flying Cloud is reported to do little fishing and spends a great deal of its time in transporting the above-mentioned drums. She is reported to provision and fuel from the Sendai Maru. When approaching American ports she flies the American flag, but upon getting out to sea the ship always flies the Japanese flag. Her radio set is capable of reaching Japan and they have frequent communications with that country. It has been learned that all of these fishing boats are required to carry American licensed radio operators. It is believed that a few reliable radio operators could be found on these boats or that possibly several reliable operators could be placed on the larger tuna clippers. There is aboard the Flying Cloud a Japanese who is an expert radio operator and does most of the communication work. The licensed American operator is not required to do anything. It is further reported that large Japanese clippers frequently exchange boat crews and particularly so when planning to come into the United States from Mexico.

2. Upon the occasion of the Astoria and Quincy joining the fleet in Long Beach, a Japanese freighter left her berth from Wilmington and stood to sea in the direction of these vessels. She took no usual commercial course but stood in such a direction as to pass the cruisers close aboard. Two large cameras were used to photograph the cruisers. Three fishing boats left the fish harbor and stood out to meet the cruisers. These fishing boats distributed themselves in the following order: one stayed inside the breakwater, very near their expected anchorage, and the other stood outside the breakwater, a considerable distance apart and waited for the cruisers to pass.

3. Three weeks ago the second officer of a Japanese freighter joined some of his friends ashore, drove over to the edge of Reeves Field, and took numerous pictures.

(Exhibit 2)

NOVEMBER 10, 1938.

Subject: Japanese activities.

1. All vessels of the Yamashita Line usually anchor as close as possible to the boundary between the general and naval anchorages in San Pedro Harbor. They are frequently seen photographing the fleet from these ships.

2. The Nippon Maru, on or about August 1, 1938, was anchored along the boundary mentioned above and a Japanese on board was taking pictures of the United States Fleet with telescopic lens.

3. On or about Tuesday, November 1, the U. S. S. Wright with a squadron of PBY flying boats was conducting maneuvers, based at Reeves Field, Terminal Island. On that day there was a large crowd of young Japanese gathered along the fence at the west end of the field very interested in all activities.

4. On October 26, 1938, at about 0715, a number of Japanese were noticed taking various pictures of the Wilmington refinery of the Texas Oil Co.

5. This office is constantly receiving such reports, as the above particularly mentioning the photographing of military planes at Mines Field and the Reeves Field. Further, the purchase by the Japanese of air views of San Pedro area oil fields and refineries, in California unquestionably shows their interest in obtaining every bit of possible information concerning our defense and vulnerable spots. In view of the fact that there is no law against such indiscriminate photographing of everything, government agencies are handicapped in their efforts to assure national security and it is recommended that the prohibited zones bill be placed in effect as soon as possible.

(Exhibit 3)


The disturbed situation of Europe, and particularly the critical posture of the great maritime powers whilst it ought to make us more thankful for the general peace and security enjoyed by the United States, reminds us at the same time of the circumspection with which it becomes us to preserve these blessings. It requires also that we should not overlook the tendency of a war and even of preparation for a war among the nations most concerned in active commerce with this country to abridge the means and thereby at least enhance the price of transporting its valuable productions to their proper markets. I recommend it to your serious reflections how far and in what mode it may be expedient to guard against embarrassments from these contingencies by such encouragements to our own navigation as will render our commerce and agriculture less dependent on foreign bottoms, which may fail us in the very moments most interesting to both of these great objects. Our fisheries and the transportation of our own produce offer us an abundant means for guarding ourselves against this evil.


The critical posture of the European powers will engage a due portion of our attention and we shall be ready to adopt any measures which a prudent circumspection may suggest for the preservation of the blessings of peace. The navigation and the fisheries of the United States are objects too interesting not to inspire a disposition to promote them by all the means which shall appear to us consistent with their natural progress and permanent prosperity.

Heretofore in this statement I have stated that I have heard many rumors concerning espionage activities. I would like to amplify my statement in this regard by stating that it has been accepted as true and considered a matter of common knowledge that Japanese operated fishing boats seem to find the best fishing grounds in the vicinity of the maneuvers of the American Fleet. Wherever the fleet happens to be for some strange reason the fish seem to follow and as a result Japanese fishermen are always on hand to make their catch. It is a strange coincident that when the American Fleet was conducting its maneuvers in the Caribbean Sea, for the first time in the history of the operation of fishing boats, fishing developed to be exceptionally good in the vicinity of such maneuvers.

It is also a matter of common knowledge that these fishing boats are in constant touch with the fishing fleet working out of the waters of Central America, and that such boats are in constant touch with each other.

Until recently it has been the common practice of certain large tuna clippers operating out of San Diego to leave the port with a skeleton crew and proceed to Ensenada, Mexico, where there is a large Japanese colony located and there pick up the balance of the necessary crew and proceed on their fishing trip. After the catch has been completed, they would return to Ensenada and there drop most of their crew and proceed again with the skeleton crew to San Diego for the purpose of disposing of the fish. Also until recently it was common practice for Japanese from Ensenada to return to San Diego from such fishing trips and bring as members of the crew alien Japanese who would thereby have the privilege of the ordinary shore leave granted seamen. Through this practice it has been easy for Japanese to gain access to our shores and lose themselves in our large Japanese population.

However, as far as I know, the only prosecution disclosed by our records of Japanese operating fishing boats being engaged in the smuggling of aliens, is that of Genkichi Koishi, who was prosecuted in this court, for violation of section 8 of the Immigration Act, and received a sentence of 18 months in the Federal penitentiary. This indictment was filed September 6, 1928, and Koishi was convicted on October 22, 1928. These facts are reflected in case No. 9337 on file in the office of the United States district clerk for this district.

The menace of the Japanese engaged in the fishing industry off California coasts has been very apparent. Many attempts have been made in the past to provide legislation which would remove this menace. To this end, senate bill No. 444 was introduced in the Senate of the State of California.

This senate bill was introduced in the California State Legislature in 1935, in 1937, and again in 1939, and in each case, was killed in committee, having been vigorously opposed by lobbyists employed by cannery and Japanese interests.

Also a bill passed by the House of Representatives (H. R. 8180) -- Federal remedial legislation -- was vigorously opposed by Japanese interests all over the United States and Territories. In Hawaii, Territorial legislator Horoshi Abe vigorously opposed the passage of this bill and made representations to Washington through Territorial representative Hon Samuel Wilder King. Also according to reliable information, the Japanese Ambassador himself opposed the bill by providing and financing lobbying measures against it.

As evidence of the fact that Japanese lobbyists were active in the past in opposing legislation of this type, the committee quotes from the report of the Central Japanese Association:

(Translation of p. 68, Central Japanese Association.)

In the year 1919 the Central Japanese Association contributed $1,400 to fight the anti-alien fishing legislation in Sacramento in that year.

Further translations of the report of the Central Japanese Association indicate that large sums of money were contributed through this association, to be used in opposing any legislation which had as its purpose the removal of the right of alien Japanese to fish in the territorial waters of the United States.


There were, according to reliable estimates, approximately 3,000 Japanese domiciled on Terminal Island, and it cannot be denied that they constituted a potential menace.

The committee quotes from a statement taken from a special police officer of the city of Los Angeles, assigned to police Fish Harbor, Terminal Island, consisting, he said, of 36 Japanese stores, 4,900 inhabitants, 7 of the large canneries, bank, post office, docks, boat, and yacht anchorage:

Question. It is true, is it not, that you have been employed as a special watchman on Terminal Island for the last three and a half years?

Answer. Yes.

Question. During the time that you have spent in this occupation you have worked on the island mostly during the evenings?

Answer. Yes.

Question. Would you please specify the time?

Answer. Approximately from 8 p. m. to 6 a. m. It varies a half hour either way.

Question. It is true, that you have come in contact with the Japanese element to a great extent and have had occasion to observe their subversive and suspicious activities?

Answer. Yes.

Question. Would you please elaborate?

Answer. In the past 2½ years upon the docking of any and all Japanese freighters, tankers, and whalers under Japanese registry, several members of the crews of these ships came to Fish Harbor, went to Japanese homes, and spent many hours in deep conversation pertaining to the American Fleet anchored in the harbors of San Pedro and Long Beach, respectively. I have also noticed the taking of pictures of the United States Fleet and of recent date the consulting of maps which were in Japanese.

Question. And you have been present when a number of Japanese from these ships have met in Japanese homes on Terminal Island?

Answer. Yes.

Question. And that these crew members from these Japanese ships are Japanese naval officers?

Answer. Yes.

Question. You have also seen various Japanese officers from these ships appear at their houses dressed in Japanese uniforms?

Answer. Yes; and some in civilian clothes and others dressed as Japanese fishermen on Terminal Island in order to escape notice.

Question. Is there any doubt in your mind, that there is a great deal of espionage activity on Terminal Island among the Japanese people?

Answer. No.

Question. Will you please explain?

Answer. In the month of December 1940, a Japanese freighter was docked at berth 228E on Terminal Island, and I noticed during the course of the evening in making my rounds in, through, and about the Japanese camp that there were several Japanese officers and members of the crew drifting over to a house occupied by a Japanese on Albicore Street. Sometimes they arrived singly, sometimes in two's, and in one case there were three. Along about 1 a. m. of this night I went to the back of this house and went up on the porch and walked in the hallway and heard several voices speaking in Japanese. I knocked on the door, and a voice asked who was there in English. I identified myself and the door was unlocked and I entered. There was a large table with approximately 12 Japanese sitting around it. They were having a so-called Japanese feast consisting of fish, rice, etc. The Japanese in question spoke to the rest of the Japanese in Japanese and during his speaking to them the word "watchman" was mentioned twice, which evidently pertained to myself. I was asked to sit down and I went through the customary hospitality which is offered by the Japanese people of eating a little raw fish and drinking a cup (about thimble size) of rice wine, better known as sake.

Approximately 10 minutes after I entered the house, there were other footsteps in the hall and there was a knock on the door and some words in Japanese were spoken. The door was opened and this Japanese came into the room, looking at me immediately because when I am on duty I am in uniform. Again the conversation in Japanese and the word "watchman" mentioned. After the customary welcome to this late arrival, he reached inside his blouse and took out a standard size picture postal card. He then said something to all of them in Japanese and he held the card in his hand and showed it to the crowd that was there. The picture was not turned at that time entirely toward me where I could get a good look at it, but sometime later there was considerable conversation going on in Japanese and the Japanese to my left evidently did not get a good look at the picture because he spoke to the one who had this picture and he turned it to him, and at that time I noticed that it was Hitler in his army uniform. There was much applauding and bowing. Shortly after that I left.

Question. Did you know any of the men who were present at this meeting, and if so. are any of them still on the island and known to you?

Answer. Yes.

Question. On other occasions in various Japanese homes have you personally seen the Japanese Emperor's picture displayed?

Answer. Yes.

Question. Do they also display the Japanese flag on various occasions?

Answer. Yes.

Question. What do you consider further as being of a suspicious or subversive nature?

Answer. Up until the first of last month there was a Japanese living at 335 Cannery Street. I have been in his house many times and noticed what I consider the finest photography that I have ever had the pleasure to see -- pictures of mountains, valleys, stretches of beaches, also pictures of our fleet lying at anchor in Long Beach Harbor, and in particular the Saratoga and the Lexington, of which the photography was so clear that it seemed like you could pick the sailors off the deck.

He also made a business of taking photographs of Japanese residents commercially. He told me at one time that his cameras, which had telescopic lens, and his complete dark room equipment for developing and printing, etc., were worth approximately $2,800.

This Japanese had been for many years in the fresh fish business, selling fish as far south as Oceanside to the towns along the way and as far north as Santa Monica.

A month ago this Japanese sold his fish business, his house, and his automobile, and has returned to Japan. I have inquired further about this man, and they said that he had been called back to Japan to serve in the Japanese Imperial Navy. What position he held I was unable to find out.

Question. Do you believe it would be safe to say that there are more than 100 Japanese actively, or thought to be actively, engaged in subversive or suspicious activities, including Japanese crew members from the Japanese ships that dock near the island?

Answer. I would say that you are just about 800 short. I figure that there are approximately 1,000, including visitors from the ships, Imperial Valley, San Joaquin Valley, and Monterey.

Question. Have you observed subversive or suspicious activities in connection with the Japanese fishing boats which operate out of Terminal Island?

Answer. On several occasions when tuna clippers, returning from Mexican waters, docked at Fish Harbor, I have observed as many as six Japanese coming off this ship after customs inspectors, fish inspectors, and cannery officials have left for the night, and have seen them going along the dock and getting into a large sedan parked on Ways Street, which is not lighted, and immediately leave the island, driving in Alameda Street toward Los Angeles.

On other occasions I have noticed a high speed truck of steel construction go to different parts of the dock and take large boxes off of these tuna clippers. I have been told that these boxes contain ammunition, which is merely hearsay, but I do firmly believe that these crates and boxes contain contraband of some sort. This truck is always closely followed by an automobile containing three or four Japanese and on two occasions I have stopped the truck. Both times it was empty. It is made of steel with no windows, has a heavy iron bar across the double doors in the rear which is fastened by a heavy padlock.

I have also observed one, F. Mio, 777 Tuna Street (phone: San Pedro 2912), a Japanese restaurant owner, who has boasted to others that he is one of the best spies there is. At one time about 3 years ago upstairs over his restaurant in the corner room which commands a view of all of fish harbor and part of the harbors of Long Beach and San Pedro where our fleet would anchor, there was a large 6-foot telescope mounted on a 3-legged tripod with adjustments for night and day work. When they found out that I knew the telescope was there, an automobile came down from Los Angeles, loaded the telescope, and left, presumably for Los Angeles, I have never seen one like it since. Furthermore, there are two short-wave sending and receiving sets located in the Japanese colony along with some 200 12-, 15-, and 18-tube general broadcast and short-wave receiving sets.

Closely associated with F. Mio is one, K. Hashimoto, 757 Tuna Street (phone: San Pedro 6236). Hashimoto has a police record, having been arrested several years ago by Captain Gentry of the Los Angeles Police Department who is now located at the Seventy-seventh Street Station. A number of years ago Hashimoto was associated with the Yu Song Bros., dope, narcotic, and liquor dealers in Mexico, which evidently caused him to have to leave Mexico. On more than one occasion I, as well as the night watchman in the cannery for the Van Camp Sea Food Co., have noticed certain Japanese take small packages approximately 5 inches long, 6 inches wide, and 4 inches thick, off the tuna clippers in the dead of night with Mr. Hashimoto standing at the end of Tuna Street as a so-called look-out.

Question. Have you brought these matters to the attention of the proper authorities?

Answer. I have repeatedly brought all of these facts before the proper authorities, such as the Immigration, United States Customs, Bureau of Narcotics, and the Federal Bureau of Investigation.

Question. So far as you are concerned, why has this condition been allowed to continue? Haven't these agents helped you in any way?

Answer. No. I have offered my services and have asked them to come in plainclothes and ride around with me and I would show them these things; and at no time have I ever had the pleasure of having any member of the above mentioned branches of the Service come down and ride around with me. I know personally at the present time of 20 Japanese who have entered this country illegally and have no passports.

I have observed the fishing fleet from time to time and have noted statements made by various persons that the larger purse seiners were double hull, steel decked under the wooden decks, that the revolving tables that hold the nets had gun mountings, are not true. However, in regard to these ships, I have seen electrical sounding devices and recorders giving the depth of the water close to shore or in the center of the Santa Barbara Channel as the case might be. I have also seen records of the depth of the water around St. Nicholas, San Clemente, and Ana Capa Islands.

I wish to state at this time that the captain of one of these purse seiners showed me his captain's papers and pilot's papers from the Japanese Imperial Navy.

Question. Is it not a fact that you have seen a number of firearms of the latest types, such as rifles, etc., on these boats?

Answer. Yes.

Question. Have you also seen the Japanese imperial flag on these boats?

Answer. Yes. Before we go any further I would like to mention in the case of Mr. Mio that on the night of July 4, 1940, he had the American flag and the Japanese flag decorated in his windows. At the time he was taking them down I was parked across the street. He laid them on the lunch counter to fold up and put away until another occasion required the displaying of flags, and during the folding of the Japanese flag our flag fell on the floor, or I would say slipped off the counter, and he walked on it, and it evidently was in his way because I saw him move it with his foot to kick it to one side. He later picked it up, rolled it up, and put these flags away.

Question. Do the Japanese keep records in their homes?

Answer. At no time have I ever observed or seen anything put in writing, and it is my belief that everything that is transacted down there is by word of mouth.

Question. Do the Japanese transmit funds to Japan?

Answer. I have a connection in the California bank, where the Japanese do their banking, who has informed me that a very great percentage of their earnings are sent to Japan.

Question. You have first-hand knowledge of all of these activities on Terminal Island, and, therefore, I believe that you firmly believe that the presence of an alien Japanese population located on Terminal Island in the center of millions of dollars of national defense features, shipbuilding organizations, as well as oil storage tanks, and other governmental defense projects presents a definite menace to our national security, and that this alien population should be removed from that immediate area?

Answer. Yes. I would like at this time to call your attention to the Harbor Boat Works situated at Fish Harbor, Terminal Island, which I believe at this time has a million dollars worth of Navy contracts for the building of mosquito boats, etc. -- that located approximately 50 feet from this shipbuilding activity are 6 Japanese houses containing approximately 35 to 40 Japanese, some of whom are of questionable character, and some whom I have had occasion to arrest for crimes of petty theft and burglary. Erected around this place is approximately a 10-foot steel, corrugated fence, and at different times I have seen these Japanese peeking through the cracks either where the colonnades come together or where there is a small gate or a large gate for the entrance of trucks and material, to see what they could see that was going on inside.

I would like to mention at this time the "cockroach service" (grapevine system). There is a great amount of gambling, principally the Japanese national game of hanna which is played with cards for money; also, in the pool halls a Japanese game that is known to the Japanese as gahum, which is also played for money with pool balls. As both of these are a form of gambling and against the laws of the State of California, the vice squads of San Pedro and Los Angeles come down occasionally to raid and arrest those that are gambling, and in many instances their presence and their mission is known within a very few minutes from the license numbers taken from these cars by the Japanese.

Question. In all of this testimony, it reaches the general summation that the alien fishing boats which are manned by Japanese are considered by you to be a definite menace?

Answer. Yes; if we went to war with Japan.

Question. Regarding a recent move that has been made on the documenting of fishing boats to put them in American citizens' registry -- is it not true that the Japanese can evade this issue by leasing or getting shares in boats of American registry where only the master and the engineer are American citizens?

Answer. I believe that is true, but I have also been told that 75 percent of the crew must be American citizens; and on some boats I doubt that there are any American citizens.

It has also been recently noticed here that since Russia has gone into the war with Germany that many of the former old places of business that were owned by old Japanese who were born in Japan have now been all turned over, or at least the management turned over, to American-born Japanese.

Question. I would like to straighten you out on one point in this connection, and that is that as yet no law has been passed or placed in effect whereby 75 percent of these fishing boats are required to be American citizens. The law known as H. R. 8180 has never been passed by the Senate; however, it has passed the House of Representatives.

Have you ever had occasion to be ordered away, by any Japanese, from a cursory inspection of their boats, that is, have they appeared to resent any attempted inspection of their boats?

Answer. I have on different occasions taken my children around the harbor to see the different ships, as they seem to be more or less interested in boats of all kinds, and on one or two occasions my girls were not even allowed to go down alongside of these Japanese boats but were ordered away by what would be known to us as a Japanese quartermaster or first officer. On the other hand, we have adjoining the Japanese camp and settlement on Terminal Island a field known as Reeves Field, which has there at different times many types and sizes of all our United States Navy and Army planes. This field is approximately one-fourth mile east of the Japanese camp and when we have the prevailing winds in the afternoons, which is a west wind, these ships take off into the wind flying over the Japanese camp at sometimes an altitude of only a few hundred feet.

I have been there in the daytime on different matters pertaining to my police work, and have seen different residents and inhabitants of this island snap pictures of high speed and approved late model ships flying over these camps. The altitude is such that the occupants are very easily discerned, as well as the gun mountings which are fore and aft of the ship and very easy to see. They also go over and take pictures of Reeves Field, and have gone out on the fishing boats and taken pictures of Fort MacArthur, which I have seen myself, and with all this -- two young American-born girls cannot go and look at a Japanese ship without being ordered away.

Question. Are there any other particular Japanese residing on Terminal Island, or in or near the Los Angeles Harbor area, who you also have reason to believe are subversive or sympathetic toward Japan rather than being loyal to the United States of America?

Question. Yes. There is one, Mr. Momota Okura, 529 East Anaheim Boulevard, whom I have been informed is a captain in the Japanese Naval Reserve.

Question. Would you please state from whom you received that information?

Answer. (Informant here gave source of the information.)

Question. Do you know very much about one, Mr. Toma, who is the owner of the Toma Co. located at 603 Tuna Street on Terminal Island?

Answer. Yes. Toma has several boys who show through their actions they have nothing but contempt for any American. In talking to Toma himself, he would give you the impression that he is very dumb, but I know that his influence is very active in these so-called prefectural societies. In these associations the following are the head men: Hashimoto, Hatashita, N. Nakamura, Hiraga, Mio, Eto, Yamamoto, Hama, Ned -----, Koiso, and Murakami.

Question. Have you ever seen motion pictures of any Japanese activities?

Answer. Yes. The Japanese have on the island their own moving picture house, showing all Japanese films taken in Japan with Japanese stars.

Question. In this connection, have you ever seen any Japanese newsreels, showing the Japanese Imperial Army and Navy in action?

Answer. Yes; both showing the war in China.

Question. Were these newsreels not propaganda to the best of your knowledge?

Answer. It showed the Japanese soldiers in some instances crossing rugged country and in other scenes what appeared to me to be swampy rice lands. The Japanese soldiers were inflicting great damage on the Chinese Army, such as running bayonets through them, throwing and bursting of hand grenades, artillery and machine gun fire, and the bombing of Chinese along the road.

Question. In other words, you would say that these newsreels tended to glorify the Japanese invasion of China?

Answer. Absolutely. Usually the applause was unanimous from the Japanese residents of Terminal Island.

This moving picture house at other times is used for the drilling of Japanese boys from the ages of approximately 10 to 18 years in the art of self-defense in the Japanese art of Kendo.

Question. How does the Japanese population react when the Japanese consul visits Terminal Island?

Answer. Upon the occasion of a visit of the Japanese consul to Terminal Island it has given me the impression that I was going to see the Emperor of Japan himself. There is much ado about it, and usually all the prominent Japanese attend a Japanese feast and celebration which is usually held in either some of the better homes or the Takawa Chop Suey House.

Question. On these occasions have you noticed the Japanese members of the community on Terminal Island show great respect and humility when they meet the consul?

Answer. Tremendous.

Question. You would then say that the Japanese people residing on Terminal Island treat the consul as if he were their actual ruler in this country, the personal agent of the Japanese Emperor, and that they seem to feel that they owe allegiance and loyalty to the Japanese Government rather than the United States of America, where they earn their livelihood?

Answer. Yes. I believe they consider it necessary to have the goodwill and influence of the consul in matters which pertain to their well-being here as well as matters that are transmitted to Japan.

Question. Would you please state what you know concerning the activities of one Harry Nakamura, a Japanese resident of Terminal Island?

Answer. At one time, I believe Nakamura was an interpreter for the United States Immigration. He was caught giving false testimony in favor of a Japanese defendant and his services were discontinued. Recently he was employed by the father and mother of a Japanese boy who was in trouble as interpreter in the case, and was found to have given the court false testimony. This statement is merely to show the character of the man who perjures himself and perjures the witness. It is at his house where some crew members of these Japanese tankers and freighters meet, and he makes it a point to meet all the Japanese ships that dock in San Pedro Harbor. To my knowledge he is not a broker and he is not an attorney; his business activities with the crew members of these ships seem to be more or less of a mystery. He carries a brief case with him most of the time when meeting these ships.

Question. In connection with this man have you anything else specific regarding his activities among the Japanese on the island?

Answer. Yes. He is very active in arranging bail for the gamblers when they are knocked off.

Question. In other words, you would say in general that H. Nakamura is a confidence man for the Japanese?

Answer. Yes.

Question. More specifically concerning the alleged espionage activities on Terminal Island, do you not believe that there is a pay-off man for the Japanese on the island whom you have noticed at different times in a pool hall on the island, and who has carried large sums of money?

Answer. Yes.

Question. Would you please explain?

Answer. A fisherman by the name of who occasionally plays pool and buys cigarettes in there has seen a Japanese come in and go in the back with a large amount of money in a small handbag, which is supposed to be the pay-off for spy activities and information furnished by other Japanese for this so-called spy ring.

Question. Again referring to F. Mio, proprietor of the Mio Cafe at 777 Tuna Street in San Pedro, have you observed on several occasions that American sailors and American Army men have been seen in that cafe and that Mr. Mio has endeavored to get them intoxicated in order to ascertain what they know about the particular branch of the service in which they are?

Answer. Yes. About a year ago I became acquainted with a petty officer in the United States Navy stationed at Reeves Field (United States naval field). I have on several occasions taken him from Mio's Cafe or on the streets of Fish Harbor to Reeves Field in my automobile. On some occasions he was under the influence of liquor and I knew that he had been in Mio's Cafe all evening drinking, because I had been passing there every 15 or 20 minutes and would see Mio serve him continually with wine, free of charge. He told me on several occasions that when Mio thought he was pretty drunk he had asked him many questions about Reeves Field -- were they going to make it bigger; were they going to have a breakwater; were they going to station bombers there; were they going to have a place for marines; were they going to run the Japanese off the island; when was the American Fleet going to leave; was he going to go with them; where were they going; when would they be coming back, and so forth.

Question. In this connection, has Mr. Mio ever asked this petty officer a question regarding the number of naval vessels present at the San Pedro Naval Anchorage?

Answer. No; he has never mentioned that to me. Mio knows how many there are because he built a little boat and bought a high-speed outboard motor in which he and his boy cruise right out in the bay among them.

Question. Have you seen Mio take pictures from his small boat alongside these naval vessels?

Answer. No; I have not. He would be too far from shore for me to see him taking pictures from a small boat; but I have been there at times when he has left the foot of Tuna Street, where his boat is tied up, with a camera, and I have been there at other times when he returned and would see him come ashore with a good-sized camera.

Question. Have you noticed any suspicious activities of any sort taking place at the Yoshioka, 600 South Seaside Avenue on Terminal Island?

Answer. Yes; this cafe is situated right on the corner of Seaside and Terminal Way, and derives practically all of its business from the ships that dock at the water front on the island, such as Luckenbach, Swain, Hoyt, Panama Pacific, McCormick, N. Y. K., and O. S. K.

Question. In this connection then, it would be really easy, would it not, for the owner of this cafe to ascertain the movements of the ships that arrive in the port of Los Angeles?

Answer. They do ascertain the arrival of the ships.

Question. They could, by questioning, ascertain the next port of the ships and when they were sailing, and so forth.

Answer. They do.

Question. Do you know of any cafes which might serve as headquarters for this type of work?

Answer. In regard to the Minatoya Cafe, 2545 Cannery Street -- when there are different celebrations Minatoya does not take part in any of these doings, and has a class of trade which would be called "low," such as Mexicans, Filipinos, and Japanese. It is one of the few places that do not show some signs of Americanism when we have holidays which require the displaying of the American Flag. There are a number of the Japanese, as I have stated before, who have not obtained passports and who spend their time in this cafe.

Question. Regarding the Japanese who, you believe, are illegal entrants in this country, do you not recognize them on sight?

Answer. Yes.

Question. However, you do not know their names?

Answer. No. On one or two occasions I was curious to know their names and found that they had given me fictitious names due to the fact that they were illegally in this country without passports, and from that time, which has been in some cases 2 years, they have continually avoided me.

Question. Have you not certain supporting exhibits regarding names, addresses, letters, and pictures with reference to the claims that you have made in the foregoing statements?

Answer. Yes.

Question. Regarding Hashimoto who owns the Japanese Hardware Store on Terminal Island, would you say it is highly undesirable for a Japanese to possess as many firearms of all types as he does?

Answer. Yes. He has a large stock of firearms and ammunition which he sells to the fishermen. In the show window, I would say there are approximately some 40 rifles and shotguns of different gage and caliber.

In connection with the Hashimoto family, I know that two Hashimoto boys, one approximately 16 years of age and the other, 23 or 24 years of age, are not passing up any bets in regard to the construction of shipyards and the building of new ships of all types, air fields, airports, and so forth.

Question. How do you know this?

Answer. I have seen them around watching all these activities. The younger boy has been known to spy on members of the police department as well as myself and my partner, and they are equipped with fine cameras and also have their own automobiles consisting of a 1941 Buick and 1941 Ford coupe. Both these boys leave and come back to the camp at all hours of the night, and as their father is one of the "big shots" of the Japanese colony, I think that it is their business to keep him posted on all the activities.

Question. Concerning the alleged meetings among the Japanese people on Terminal Island, is it not true, that on many occasions you have noticed the fact that many Japanese have come from different parts of the State of California to meet with certain Japanese members on Terminal Island from such faraway places as Imperial Valley, Monterey, San Joaquin Valley, San Diego, San Luis Obispo, and so forth, as well as out of State?

Answer. Yes.

(The foregoing statement was taken July 10 and 14, 1941.)



For many years, there has been a standard clause in international treaties which exempted merchants from the usual regulations which all countries applied to immigrants in general. These individuals plying their trade or business in other countries have been known as treaty merchants.

With the rise of the totalitarian powers, abuses of the treaties which these powers had with the democracies began to multiply. Espionage agents, otherwise barred from entry into this country, began to enter the United States in the guise of treaty merchants. There were 889 Japanese treaty merchants residing in the United States at the time of the Japanese attack on Pearl Harbor. The committee is convinced by the evidence in its possession that many of these Japanese treaty merchants were engaged in espionage work for their home government.

The committee obtained a complete list of these Japanese treaty merchants from the Department of Justice. These lists are reproduced as exhibits Nos. 70-87 as double-page inserts following this page. {NOTE: These exhibits are contained in a single PDF file; click on image below to view.}



The Japanese Emperor has conferred decorations upon hundreds of American citizens of Japanese descent. This has been one of the ways in which the Japanese Government has bound the Nisei to itself. The committee was able to obtain from a secret Japanese source the names and photographs of some of these Emperor-decorated citizens of the United States. This particular group whose photographs are reproduced in the exhibits which follow was decorated by Prince Chichibu on behalf of his brother, the Emperor, during the former's visit to the United States in 1937.

Following each exhibit is a translation of the notations which accompany the photographs. These notations give a clue to the importance of the respective individuals in the Japanese community of California. Wherever the notation includes a reference to the "welcoming reception committee," the notation refers to the Los Angeles committee which welcomed Prince Chichibu when he visited that city.



Miyata, Yujiro, Tokyo (Miyata is now living in Tokyo):
Superintendent of compilation.
Welcoming reception committee.
Director, Los Angeles Japanese Hospital.
Military surgeon sub-lieutenant.
Senior sixth rank.
Fourth Order of Merit.

Akashi, Iku:
Head, welcoming reception committee.
President, Los Angeles Japanese Association.
Fukuoka Prefecture.
In 1940:
Chairman of board of trustees. Southern California Chamber of Commerce and Industry.
Director, Japanese Cultural Society.

Akazaki, Shusuke:
Welcoming committee.
Director, Los Angeles Hongwanji Betsuin.
Adviser, Kuinamoto Overseas Association, Southern California Branch.
Head, Los Angeles Japanese Dry Goods Stores Association.
Kumamoto Prefecture.

Karki, Dr. Yasuzo:
Superintendent of compilation.
Welcoming committee:
Adviser, Los Angeles Hongwanji Betsuin.
Head, Zaibei Nipponjin, Shijitsu Hozon Kai (an association to preserve historical facts of the resident Japanese).
Nagano Prefecture.

Akaboshi, Kenzo:
Welcoming committee.
Auditor, Boyle Heights District, Japanese-language school.
Councilor, Los Angeles Japanese Association.
Kumamoto Prefecture.

Amano, A.:
Welcoming committee.
Director, Boyle Heights District, Japanese-language school (managing director)
Doctor of medicine.
Kumamoto Prefecture.

Aoki, Kamenosuke:
Welcoming committee.
Managing director, former Talbert Japanese Language School.
Sixth Order of Merit.
Sixth Achievement Degree.
Saitama Prefecture.
In 1940: Huntington Beach representative. Southern California Imperial Veterans.

Asano, Kintaro:
Welcoming committee.
Koyasan Daishi Kyokai, managing director.
Branch head, Fukuoka Overseas Association, Southern California Branch.
Fukuoka Prefecture.
In 1940:
Councilor, Los Angeles Japanese Association.
Adviser, Koyasan Beikoku Betsuin.

Arataka, Keiji:
Koyu Jigyo Hotosha (petroleum business counselor).
Treasurer, Greater Japan Sinto, North American branch office.
Hokkaido Prefecture.



Arako, Kinan:
Welcoming committee.
Auditor, Koyasan Daishi Kyokai.
Vice president, Southern California Wakayama Prefectural Society.
Wakayama Prefecture.

Aihara, Seikichi:
Adviser, Garden Grove Japanese Language School.
Head, Southern California Shizuoka Prefectural Society Savings Association.
Shizuoka Prefecture.
Adviser, Koyasan Daishi Kyokai.
In 1940:
Auditor, Central Japanese Association.
President, Orange County Japanese Association.

Arakawa, Kijo (deceased):
Manager, Nichibei Kogyogaisha.
Manager, Fuji Motion Picture Co.
Kagawa Prefecture.

Abe, Rokuroku:
Committee member, Ninth Market Agricultural Association.
Fukushima Prefecture.

Ambo, Toraichi:
Konko Kyoshinto Sodai.
President, New Fashion Sensen Stockholding Co. (Dye Works Co., Los Angeles).
Hiroshima Prefecture.

Azuma, Zensaku:
Welcoming committee.
Ishikawa Prefecture.

Adachi, Asao:
Treasurer, Bangle Bukkyo (Buddhist) Japanese Language School.
Tottori Prefecture.

Ando, Yoshio:
President (Former), Santa Monica Yuwa Club.
Managing director (Former), Santa Monica Japanese Language School.
Assistant managing director (Former), Kumamoto Overseas Society Branch.
Kumamoto Prefecture.

Kayano, Tsuneshi:
Welcoming reception committee.
Agricultural Taiho Tosha.
President, Greater Japan Industrial Organization, North American Branch.
Tairoku Hakuju Yukosho (Award of Merit).
Nagano Prefecture.
In 1940: President, Greater Japan Agricultural Association, North American Branch.



Dobashi, Tokutaro:
Welcoming reception committee.
Auditor, Southern California Central Japanese Association.
President, Long Beach Japanese Association.
Hiroshima Prefecture.

Eguchi, Michitoku:
Welcoming committee.
Kochi Prefecture.
1940: Kendo chairman, Long Beach Japanese Association.

Furuzawa, Dr. Takashi:
Welcoming committee.
President (former). Southern California Japanese Physicians' Association.
President, Southern California Fishing Club.
Okayama Prefecture.
1940: Adviser, Koyasan Beikoku Betsuin.

Dobashi, Wataru:
President (former), Japan-California Agricultural Association.
Vice president (former), Southern California Central Japanese Association.
Adviser, Anaheim Japanese Language School.
Wakayama Prefecture.

Endo, Takao: Tottori Prefecture.

Furuzawa, Sachiko:
Welcoming committee.
Director, Southern California Federation of Women's Societies.
President, Daishi Buddhist Women's Association.
Fukuoka Prefecture.

Doi, Asayo (now in Japan):
Welcoming committee.
President, Hiroshima Prefecture Women's Society,
Head, French-American Sewing School.
Hiroshima Prefecture.

Fujioka, Jiro:
Welcoming committee.
Vice president (former), Southern California Hiroshima Prefecture.
Secretary, Boyle Heights Central Japanese Language School.
Hiroshima Prefecture.
In 1940: Councilor, Los Angeles Japanese Association.

Fukuyama, Keikichi:
Welcoming committee.
President (former), Fukuoka Prefectural Society.
Councilor, Los Angeles Japanese Association.
Fukuoka Prefecture.
(Owner of the Fukuyama Hardware Store in Little Tokyo.)



Hirao, Tomiji:
Welcoming committee member.
Education chairman, Long Beach Japanese Association.
Eighth Order of Merit.
Sixth Achievement Degree.
Tottori Prefecture.
In 1940: agricultural chairman, Long Beach Japanese Association.

Hioki, Shiro:
Secretary, Puente Industrial Association.
Teacher, Puente Japanese Language School.
Sub-lieutenant, military infantry.
Eighth Order of Merit.
Kumamoto Prefecture.

Hatashita, Isahei:
Welcoming reception committee.
President (former), Southern California Japanese Fishing Association.
President (former), Southern California Central Japanese Association.
Wakayama Prefecture.
In 1940: Adviser, San Pedro Japanese Association.

Hara, Toyoyori:
President (former), Ehime Prefectural Society.
Eighth Order of Merit.
Sixth Achievement Degree.
Ehime Prefecture.

Handa, Ikusaburo:
President, Kanagawa Prefectural Society Savings Association.
Seventh Order of Merit.
Seventh Achievement Degree.
Kanagawa Prefecture.

Hara, Otsuji:
Welcoming reception committee.
President, San Pedro Japanese Association.
Yamaguchi Prefecture.

Honda, Dr. Rikita (deceased):
Welcoming committee.
Councilor, Los Angeles Japanese Association.
Surgeon, Military Third Order Army.
Eighth Order of "Merit.
Doctor of medicine.
Yamagata Prefecture.
In 1940: Commandant, Southern California Imperial Veterans,

Hirama, Shigekichi:
Treasurer, Los Angeles Japanese Language School.
President, Southwest Discussion Groups.
Eighth Order of Merit.
Miyagi Prefecture.
In 1940: Adviser, Seinan Kyogikai (Southwest Discussion Club)..

Hirama, Kumajiro:
Welcoming reception committee.
President, San Bernardino County Japanese Association.
Fukuoka Prefecture.



Hirata, Tokuji (Dr. Hirata is now in Tokyo) : Doctor of medicine.

Hirose, Shurei:
Director (former), Southern California Japanese Hospital.
Head (former), New World Sun, Southern California Branch.
Head of general affairs, Higashi Hongwanji Betsuin.
Yamanashi Prefecture.
In 1940:
Adviser, Higashi Hongwanji Betsuin.
Honorary adviser, Hokubeizen Zenshuji.

Ikeda, Shunkyo:
Welcoming committee.
Director, Los Angeles Nishiren Kyokai.
Military artillery.
Senior eighth rank.
Hiroshima Prefecture.

Hiraishi, Matsutaro:
Director, Toyo Japanese School.
Hiroshima Prefecture.

Hirose, Kishitaro:
Adviser, Watts Japanese Language School.
Yamanashi Prefecture.

Ishibashi, Kumekichi (Sokichi):
Welcoming committee.
Eighth Order of Merit.
Wakavama Prefecture.

Hiratsuka, Shigeichi:
Director, Hongwanji Los Angeles Betsuin.
Adviser, Bangle Betsuin Japanese Language School.
Fukuoka Prefecture.

Higashikawa, Yasukichi: Miye Prefecture.

Itano, Hatsusaburo:
Supervisor of place of meeting, welcoming committee.
Vice director, Los Angeles Nichiren Kyokai.
Auditor, Los Angeles Japanese Association.
Okayama Prefecture.
In 1940: Adviser, Rafu Nichiren Shu Kyokai.



Iwata, Yasujiro:
Education chairman, San Francisco Showa Japanese Language School.
Wakayama Prefecture.

Kijima, Haruichi:
Welcoming reception committee.
President, Moneta Japanese Association.
Eighth Order of Merit.
Seventh Achievement Degree.
Hiroshima Prefecture.
In 1940: Gardena representative, Southern California Imperial Veterans.

Kiyohara, Danzo:
Los Angeles City welcoming committee.
Secretary, Los Angeles Nichibei (Japan-American) Association.
President, W. O. Oil Co.
Kumamoto Prefecture.

Ikeda, Sansho: Hokkaido.

Kajikawa, Iwanari:
Welcoming committee.
Adviser, Ninth Market Youth Club.
Auditor, Southern California Agricultural Association.
Eighth Order of Merit.
Seventh Achievement Degree.
Hiroshima Prefecture.

Uenaka, Taroji;
Welcoming reception committee.
President, San Gabriel Valley Japanese Association.
Kumamoto Prefecture.

Ishihara, Masaichi: Shiga Prefecture.

Katow, Takichi:
Director, Kanagawa Prefectural Society.
Vice president, Beikoku (United States of America) Sumo (Japanese Wrestlers' Association) Club.
Head, Los Angeles Restaurant Association.
Eighth Order of Merit.
Kanagawa Prefecture.
In 1940:
Councilor, Los Angeles Japanese Association.
Downtown representative, southern California Imperial Veterans.

Konishi, Magoemon:
Welcoming reception committee.
President, Guadalupe Japanese Association.
Wakayama Prefecture.



Kawanami, Taizo:
Welcoming committee member.
Secretary, Los Angeles Japanese Association.
Fukuoka. Prefecture.
In 1940: Auditor, Long Beach Japanese Association.

Kawano, Katsuya:
Board member, Southern California Chamber of Commerce and Industry.
Hiroshima Prefecture.
In 1940: Honorary board, Beikoku Shinto Kyokai.

Kaneko, Kinzo:
Venice Palms Japanese Language School.
Assistant manager, board of directors.
Hiroshima Prefecture.

Kawaguchi, Kinzo:
Member, Fukuoka Prefectural Society.
Managing director, Monrovia Showa Japanese Language School.
Fukuoka Prefecture.
In 1940: Honorary board, Beikoku Shinto Kyokai.

Kawano, -----: Hiroshima Prefecture.

Kiyota, Takeo:
Director, California Agricultural Association.
Director, Southern California Agricultural Association.
Managing director, Kumamoto Overseas Association.
Kumamoto Prefecture.

Kawasaki, Yasujiro:
Director, Southern California Shizuoka Prefectural Society.
Member, board of directors, Los Angeles Nichiren Temple.
Shizuoka Prefecture.
(Owner of the Matsunozushi Cafe, Little Tokyo.)
In 1940: Adviser, Rafu Nichiren Shu Kyokai.

Kageyama, Kentaro:
Pacific Electric Railway Co.
Head, Oriental Division.
Okayama Prefecture.

Kiyota, Shoji:
Nisei (first generation American-born Japanese), page to Prince and Princess Chichibu.
Second son of Kiyota, Takeo.
Four years old.
Kumamoto Prefecture.



Kishi, Yoshimatsu:
Official Automobile Traffic Committee.
Wakayama Prefecture.
In 1940: Auditor, Santa Monica Japanese Association.

Kimura, Shonan:
Auditor, Dominguez Hills Agricultural Association.
Vice president, Union Cut Flower Market, joint stock company.
Wakayama Prefecture.
In 1940:
Adviser, Southern California Chamber of Commerce and Industry.
Adviser, Southern California Imperial Veterans.

Kuwabara, Eitaro:
Director, Southern California Japanese Children's Home.
Vice president, Tokyo Peoples' Society.

Kitada, Sadaichi:
Managing director, Downey Japanese Language School.
Head, Compton Agricultural Association.
Vice president. Federation of California Agricultural Association.
Wakayama Prefecture.

Kuroda, Kiyoko:
Metro Goldwyn Mayer Motion Picture Studios.
Luncheon committee.
Wakayama Prefecture.

Kawanamita, Einojo:
Member, Los Angeles Japan American Society.
Kagoshima Prefecture.

Kinoshita, Toyojiro:
Managing director, Los Angeles Nichiren Kyokai.
Vice president, Aichi Prefectural Society.
Aichi Prefecture.

Kuromi, Torataro:
Director North American Zenshuji (Buddhist Mission).
Shimane Prefecture.

Kuroyanagi, Gunpei:
Principal (former), Central Japanese Language School.
Aichi Prefecture.



Kato, Tokuchi:
Councillor, Okayama Overseas Association.
Councillor, Koyasan Daishi Kyokai (Mission).
Okayama Prefecture.

Kunisaki, Jiro:
Board of directors, vice chairman, Puente Industrial Association.
Board of directors, vice chairman, Puente Japanese Language School.
Fukuoka Prefecture.

Matsushita, Tomokichi:
Auditor, Los Angeles Daishi Japanese Language School.
Vice president, Nikka Industrial Association.
Eighth Order of Merit.
Kumamoto Prefecture.
In 1940: Head, board of directors, Hokubeizen Zenshuji.

Kuwaki, Momotaru:
Director, Coyote Pass Agricultural Association.
Director, Coyote Pass Japanese Language School.
Hiroshima Prefecture.
1940: Councillor, Los Angeles Japanese Association.

Kiuda, Keiichi:
Member (Former), Los Angeles Japanese Association.
Head, San Fernando Branch.
Councillor, San Fernando Agricultural Association.
Okayama Prefecture.

Matsuura, Hachizo:
Director, North American Zenshuji.
Education director, San Fernando Showa Japanese Language School.
Eighth Order of Merit.
Tottori Prefecture.

Kyodo, Ginnosuke: Reporter, San Francisco New World Sun.

Maruyama, Eizo:
Member, Venice Celery Farmers Association.
Director, Greater Japan Agriculture Society, North American Branch.
Eighth Order of Merit.
Taihaku Juyu Kosho (Honor).
Niigata Prefecture.
In 1940:
Board of directors, member, Greater Japan Agricultural Association, North American Branch.
Adviser, Higashi Hongwanji Betsuin.

Mukaeda, Katsuma:
Welcoming committee member.
Vice president, Los Angeles Japanese Association.
Kumamoto Prefecture.
In 1940:
Adviser, Central Japanese Association.
Councillor, Los Angeles Japanese Association.
Trustee, Southern California Association for the Preservation of Japanese History.
Superintendent, Japanese Cultural Society.
Director, Japanese Cultural Society.
Honorary board, Hokubei Daijingu.
Honorary board, Beikoku Shinto Kyokai.



Morioka, Shuki:
President, United States Shinto Kyokai.
Instructor, Shinto main office.
Hiroshima Prefecture.
In 1940: President, Beikoku Shinto Kyokai.

Murakami, Nihei:
Director, Kumamoto Overseas Branch Office.
Director, Puente Industrial Association.
Director, Puente Japanese Language School.
Kumamoto Prefecture.

Nakamura, Gongoro:
Welcoming reception, committee.
Vice president, Los Angeles Japanese Association.
Okinawa Prefecture.
In 1940:
President, Central Japanese Association.
Councillor, Los Angeles Japanese Association.
Vice president, Los Angeles Japanese American Society.
Vice president and director, Japanese Cultural Society.
Adviser, Hokubeizen Zenshuji.
Adviser, Hokubei Kaijingu.
Honorary board, Beikoku Shinto Kyokai.

Morita, Motozo:
Education chairman, Los Angeles Daishi Japanese Language School.
Okayama Prefecture.

Kogata, Benzo:
Former treasurer, Miye Overseas Association Branch.
Eighth Order of Merit.
Seventh Achievement Degree.
Miye Prefecture.

Nakaki, Dr. Kiyohide:
Welcoming reception committee.
Former council head. Southern California Japanese Chamber of Commerce.
Managing director, Hollywood Japanese Language School.

Motoike, Yoshiki:
Adviser, San Fernando Japanese Language School.
Tottori Prefecture.

Nakamura, Tatsuji:
Welcoming committee member.
Head, Long Beach Wholesale Association.
Eighth Order of Merit.
Kagoshima Prefecture,

Nakamura, Mankichi:
Welcoming reception committee.
Former president, Hiroshima Prefectural Society,
Former president, Los Angeles Japanese Association.
Hiroshima Prefecture.
In 1940:
Board of directors, member, Central Japanese Association.
Councilor, Los Angeles Japanese Association.



Nitta, Dr. Matsutaro:
Vice chairman, welcoming committee.
Head, Sawtelle Japanese Language School.
Student, Kodokan (Jujitsu School of Tokyo, Japan).
Yamagata Prefecture.

Nakashima, Tsuruji:
Welcoming committee.
President, Western Star Fertilizing Co.
Councilor, Long Beach Japanese Association.
Kumamoto Prefecture.

Nojima, Nakasono:
Welcoming committee.
Former head, Japan-California Industrial Association.
President, North American Tottori Overseas Society.
Tottori Prefecture.
In 1940: Auditor, Gosan Zenneiji.

Nagamoto, Shozo:
Welcoming committee.
Director, Higashi Hongwanji Betsuin.
Director, Kumamoto Overseas Society Branch.
Kumamoto Prefecture.
In 1940:
Secretary, Central Japanese Association.
Councilor, Los Angeles Japanese Association.
Honorary board, Beikoku Shinto Kyokai.

Nakatsugawa, Kumaji:
Welcoming committee.
Managing director, Fukushima Overseas Society and Association.
Councilor, Los Angeles Japanese Association.
Fukushima Prefecture.
In 1940: Auditor, Seinan Kyogikai (Southwest Discussion Club).

Noniyama, Ainosuke (?):
Welcoming committee.
Director, Los Angeles Kokugo Japanese Language School.
Councillor, Los Angeles Japanese Association.
Fukushima Prefecture.
In 1940: Board of directors, Los Angeles Methodist Church.

Hakano, Yujiro:
Welcoming committee.
Head, San Pedro Industrial Association.
Wakayama Prefecture.

Nakahara, Masaichi:
Welcoming committee.
President, San Pedro Japanese Association (former president).
Iwata Prefecture.

Nishimoto, Denshiro:
Welcoming committee.
Managing director, Hollywood Buddhist Society.
In 1940: Councillor, Los Angeles Japanese Association.



Nishiyasu, Yoshinaga:
Educational chairman, San Fernando Japanese Language School.
Wakayama Prefecture.

Nishiyama, Yosaku:
Director, North American Zenshuji.
Director, Smelsa Japanese Association.
Director, Talbert Japanese Language School.
Shizuoka Prefecture.

Noritake, Hajio: Okayama Prefecture.

Nishihama, Chizuko:
Participant, welcoming inspection performance.
(Eldest daughter of Nishihama -- 10 years old.)
Wakayama Prefecture.

Nita, Masasuke:
Presentation, asparagus growers.
Yamaguchi Prefecture.

Ozaki, Juji:
Lieutenant colonel, military intendant.
Seventh Achievement Degree.
Sixth Order of Merit.
Shizuoka Prefecture.

Nishikawa, Junkichi:
Director, Higashi Hongwanji Betsuin (Buddhist Mission).
Educational chairman. Harbor District Japanese Language School.
Hiroshima Prefecture.

Niitake, Kihei:
Presentation, citrus plants to imperial household.
Yamaguchi Prefecture.

Okura, Momota:
Welcoming reception committee.
Former president, San Pedro Japanese Association.
Director, Okayama Overseas Association Branch.
Eighth Order of Merit.
Seventh Achievement Degree.
Shizuoka Prefecture.
In 1940:
Board of directors. Central Japanese Association.
Vice president, San Pedro Japanese Association.
Commandant, Southern California Imperial Veterans.



Ohtori, Takuichi:
Director, Los Angeles Hongwanji Betsuin (Buddhist Mission).
Councilor, Garden Grove Japanese Association.
Treasurer, Garden Grove Japanese Language School.
Hiroshima Prefecture.
In 1-940: Treasurer, Orange County Japanese Association.

Ogitani, Yoyojiro: Toyama Prefecture.

Oka, Mikihei:
Treasurer, Los Angeles Hotel Association.
President, Southern California Fukuoka Prefectural Society.
Fukuoka Prefecture.

Orita, Setsuji:
Councilor, Burbank District Agriculture Association.
Secretary, Los Angeles Daishi Japanese Language School.
Hiroshima Prefecture.

Ohashi, Mankichi:
Director, Los Angeles Hongwanji Betsuin (Buddhist).
Director, California Allied Agricultural Association.
Vice president, San Fernando Valley Agricultural Association.
Hiroshima Prefecture.

Okada, Hikosaku:
President (former), Santa Ana Japanese Association.
Managing director (former), Talbert Japanese Language School.
Director, North American Zenshuji (Buddhist Mission).
Shizuoka Prefecture.

Oka, Jiromatsu:
Director, North American Zenshuji (Buddhist Mission).
Councillor, Burbank District Agricultural Association. '
Educational chairman. North Hollywood Japanese Language School.
Wakayama Prefecture.

Oka, Sojiro: Fukuoka Prefecture.

Okubo, Hanji:
Vice president. Southwest Discussion Group.
Educational chairman, Senshin Japanese Language School.
Vice president, Toyama Prefectural Society.
Toyama Prefecture.



Ohmura, Asa: Yamaguchi Prefecture.

Ohsedo, Tetsukyo:
Councillor, Burbank District Agricultural Association,
Chairman, Los Angeles Daishi Japanese Language School -- education,
Hiroshima Prefecture.

Shoji, Takejiro:
Welcoming committee. Eighth Order of Merit.
Tottori Prefecture.

Onishi, Junichi:
Director, Central Japanese Language School.
Vice president. Southern California Wakayama Prefectural Society,
Wakayama Prefecture.
In 1940: Adviser, Koyasan Beikoku Betsuin.

Ozamoto, Keijiro (deceased):
Vice president (Former) , Santa Monica Shinyu Kai.
Managing director (Former) , Santa Monica Japanese Language School.
Director, Los Angeles Hompa Hongwanji Bukkyo Kai (Buddhist Society).
Fukuoka Prefecture.

Satow, Yoshitaro:
Welcoming reception committee.
President, Smelzer Japanese Association.
Shizuoka Prefecture.

Ohshita, Umejiro:
Director, Hongwanji Betsuin -- Los Angeles.
Treasurer, Los Angeles Daishi Japanese Language School.
Yamaguchi Prefecture.

Sakamoto, Yoshiye:
Seventh Order of Merit.
Seventh Achievement Degree.
Fukushima Prefecture.

Shimano, Kohei:
Managing director, Southern California Japanese Schools Association.
Head, Los Angeles Daiichi Japanese Language School.
In 1940: Councillor, Los Angeles Japanese Association.



Sugimachi, Miyoshi (known as Madam Sugimachi -- now teaches voice; has appeared in the Hollywood Bowl a few times):
Welcoming entertainment committee.
Nagano Prefecture.

Susuki, Takeji:
Treasurer, Los Angeles Christian Church Federation.
Treasurer, Venice Palms Celery Trade Association.
Vice president, Venice Palms Industrial Association.
Miyagi Prefecture.

Takagawa, Eizo (Kizo):
Adviser, Miye Overseas Society North American Branch.
Assistant managing director. Greater Japan Shinto North American Branch Office.
Eighth Order of Merit.
Miye Prefecture.
In 1940: Kizo Takiguchi, chairman, board of directors. Greater Japan Agricultural Association, North American Branch.

Suetake, Wakataro:
Treasurer, Bocho Overseas Association Branch.
Chairman, Venice-Palms Japanese Language School Education.
Yamaguchi Prefecture.

Suyama, Yasugoro:
Director, Los Angeles Nichiren Kyokai.
Standing committee member, Nikka (Japan-California) Agricultural Association.
Vice branch head, Okayama Overseas Society Branch.
Okayama Prefecture.

Tanigoshi, Katsutaro:
Vice chairman, welcoming reception committee.
President, Southern California Central Japanese Association.
Wakayama Prefecture.

Suzuki, Aiko:
Welcoming inspection performance appearance participant.
Shizuoka Prefecture.
Takeshi Suzuki, eldest daughter.

Takeda, Jisaburo:
Director, North American Zenshuji.
Vice president, Fukui Prefectural Society.
Eighth Order of Merit.
1403 Gordon Street, Hempstead 0847.
Gardener by trade.

Takiguchi, Kizo:
Councilor, Greater Japan Industrial Association.
Taiko Hakuju Yukosho (some award of merit).
Yamanashi Prefecture.



Uyeno, Kosaki:
M. G. M. Motion Picture Studio.
Luncheon committee.
Kumamoto Prefecture.
In 1940: Member of board of trustees, Southern California Chamber of Commerce and Industry.

Umemoto, Toshiichi:
Secretary, Venice-Palms Japanese Language School.
Wakayama Prefecture.

Utsuki, Harukichi:
Former treasurer, Venice-Palms Japanese Language School.
Director, Los Angeles Nichiren Kyokai.
Director, Shizuoka Prefectural Society.
Shizuoka Prefecture.

Uyeda, Komataro: Kumamoto Prefecture.

Umeda, Sumi:
Welcoming inspection performance appearance participant.
Hiroshima Prefecture.
Umeda Shujiro, eldest daughter.

Wada, Kamekichi:
Auditor, Moneta Japanese Association.
Managing director, Lawndale Japanese Language School.
Eighth Order of Merit.
Yamaguchi Prefecture.

Uyeda, Toshiro: Kumamoto Prefecture.

Umeda, Chiyoko:
Welcoming inspection performance appearance participant.
Hiroshima Prefecture.
10 years old.
(Shujiro Umeda, youngest daughter.)

Watanabe, Kazuichi:
Director (Former), Watts Japanese Language School.
Managing director, Southern California Old People's Saving Association.
Assistant managing director, Showa Industrial Savings Association.
Okayama Prefecture.
In 1940: Board of directors, vice head, Koyasan Beikoku Betsuin.



Wada, Yoshitaro:
Auditor (former), Los Angeles Japanese Association.
Regulation head, Higashi Hongwanji Betsuin (Buddhist Mission).
Vice president, Fukuoka Prefectural Society.
Fukuoka Prefecture.
In 1940: Board of directors, vice head, Hokubei Jyodo Shu Kyokai.

Yamada, Fukeichi:
Councillor, Aichi Prefectural Society.
Director, Puente Industrial Association.
Treasurer, Puente Japanese Language School.
Eighth Order of Merit.
Aichi Prefecture.

Yano, Fujizo:
Welcoming committee.
Board of directors, vice chairman, Los Angeles Hongwanji Betsuin,
Councillor, Los Angeles Japanese Association.'
Hiroshima Prefecture.
In 1940: Adviser, Hompa Hongwanji Rafu Betsuin.

Yamaguchi, Toyokichi:
Director, San Fernando Valley Agricultural Association.
Director, San Fernando Valley Japanese Language School.
Eighth Order of Merit.
Seventh Achievement Degree.
Fukui Prefecture.

Yamaoka, Un:
Welcoming reception committee.
President, Pasadena Japanese Association.
Aichi Prefecture.

Yamazaki, Den:
Welcoming committee.
Auditor, Los Angeles Hongwanji Betsuin.
Councillor, Los Angeles Japanese Association.
Hiroshima Prefecture.

Yamauchi, Tamasaburo (now in Japan):
Eighth Order of Merit.
Seventh Achievement Degree.
Aichi Prefecture.

Yata, Heijiro:
Welcoming committee.
Auditor, Burbank District Agricultural Association.
Educational chairman, North Hollywood Japanese Language School.
Miye Prefecture.

Yoshino, Saiichi:
Welcoming committee member.
President, Chiba Prefectural Society.
Director, Southern California Central Japanese Association,
Chiba Prefecture.



Yanai, Kumakichi:
President (former), Garden Grove Japanese Association.
Adviser, Koyasan Daishi Kyokai (Buddhist mission).
Managing director (assistant), Talbert Japanese Language School.
Kochi Prefecture.

Yoshimoto, Bunji;
Treasurer (former), Los Angeles Japanese Association.
Assistant managing director, Kumamoto Overseas Branch.
Auditor, Los Angeles Building Joint Stock Co.
Kumamoto Prefecture.

Yanase, Tosaku: Kagoshima Prefecture.

Yoshikawa, Toyokichi:
Treasurer (former), Talbert Japanese Language School.
Director, North American Zenshuji (Buddhist mission).
Shizuoka Prefecture.

Yoshimura, Keiichi:
Treasurer, Southwest Discussion Group.
Treasurer, Celery Seedling Association.
Managing director, Los Angeles Japanese Language School.
Hiroshima Prefecture.

Kawano, Isamu:
Barker Bros. Furniture Co., Inc.
Japanese department representative.
Eighth Order of Merit.
Ehime Prefecture.

Yoshimoto, Tomonoshin:
Director, Palos Verdes Japanese Language School.
Yamaguchi Prefecture.

Yoshihara, Sahichi:
President, Southern California Niigata Prefectural Society.
Niigata Prefecture.

Tanaka, Wasaji:
Nippon sign proprietor.
Yamaguchi Prefecture.



Ando, Yoshihisa:
Senior Sixth Rank.
Fifth Order of Merit.
Fifth Achievement Degree.

Aoki, Baisaku: Nagano Prefecture.

Asari, Kakumatsu:
Asari Goldfish Gardens.
Wakayama Prefecture.

Hori, Jinbei: Wakayama Prefecture.

--------------- ---------------:
North American Zenshuji supervisor.
Yamaguchi Prefecture.

Ikoma, Minoru:
Welcoming-committee member.
Nippon Yusen Kabushiki Kaisha, Los Angeles branch.

Ito, Kimiyo:
Welcoming committee, entertainment actor.

Kino, Tamisuke:
President, North American Old Friends' Society.
Wakayama Prefecture.

Kibata, Tatsuo:
Doctor of medicine.
Okayama Prefecture.

Kiyomura, Chiki:
Welcoming committee member, entertainment actor.
Kumamoto Prefecture.

Kojima, Sogoro:
Treasurer, Puente Industrial Association.
Auditor, Puente Japanese Language School.
Okayama Prefecture.

Kusumoto, Rokuichi:
Superintendent, Southern California Children's Home.
Oita Prefecture.

Mogi, Seigo:
Head (Former), Southern California Chamber of Commerce.
Gumma Prefecture.

Miyagawa, Toshiichi:
Treasurer, Puente Industrial Association.
Treasurer, Puente Japanese Language School.
Hiroshima Prefecture.

Ogawa, Risuke:
Auditor, Garden Grove Japanese Association.
Director, Garden Grove Language School (Japanese).
Sixth Order of Merit.
Tokushima Prefecture.



The Japanese Government recently took a comprehensive census of all Japanese residing in this country. It is obvious, of course, to what uses the Japanese Government would be able to put this kind of information. When we consider the fact that Issei (Japanese citizens) and Nisei (American-born Japanese) alike have displayed the strongest ties to Japan and to the Japanese Emperor, it is clear that such a census could be useful only in aiding the Japanese Government to strengthen the bond between itself and all those of Japanese nationality residing in the United States.

A translation of one of the pages of this census is as follows:

Place of census: Los Angeles
Name of Consular Service ----------
Name Sex Birth Marital status Present address
Nishi, Masakichi Male February 1914 Divorced 121 S. San Pedro.
Kobata, Kinjiro do November 1886 None Do.
Sai, Yonezaburo do
None Do.
Kawabe, Tsuruhiko or Abe do
Yes Do.
Kawabe, Shigeko or Abe Female
do Do.
Kawawaki, Isamu Male November 1913 None Do.
Kawaai, Iwamatsu or Kawai do February 1870 Yes Do.
Ogawa, Seijiro do September 1888 do Do.
Kameda, Ryunosuke do December 1875 Divorced Do.
Watanabe, Shogo do March 1906 None Do.

(Three pages of census blanks are reproduced on the following pages of this volume, as exhibits Nos. 107-109.)




Japanese American Citizens League Southern California Census (October 1, 1935)



The Japanese Government, working through the Japanese consuls and allied agencies such as the Central Japanese Association, Japan Tourist Bureau, Japanese Chamber of Commerce, and various other Japanese organizations, has organized and financed Japanese language schools throughout California. Investigation has revealed that in December 1941 there were 248 Japanese language schools, with 454 teachers and 19,310 pupils.

The purpose of the language schools, according to the Japanese, is to encourage and perpetuate the Japanese language and culture among Japanese living in the United States. Hitler has the same explanation for the German language schools which have been operating in the various headquarters of the German-American Bund.

Japanese language schools are operated in the following manner:

After their regular daily attendance in public schools, Japanese children are taken to Japanese language schools in busses (Picture of one such bus is shown on opposite page.) provided by these language schools, where for two additional hours they are taught the Japanese language and indoctrinated with Japanese ideals and traditions. Instruction given these Japanese children is similar to the instruction given to Japanese children in elementary schools in Japan. The textbooks are printed in Japan and sent to the United States through the Japanese Board of Education, which is a Japanese governmental agency.


Investigation disclosed the amazing fact that two sets of textbooks exist for the Japanese language schools. One set, usually shown to curious occidentals, contains no objectionable text whatsoever. It was approved several years ago by the Department for Public Instruction. However, practically every page of the other set preaches loyalty to Japan and treason against the American Government.

Excerpts from textbooks which are for the exclusive use of Japanese are unmistakable in purpose. National language and patriotism are stressed to the point of exaggeration.

Concerning the Japanese language, one of these textbooks says {NOTE: The primary source for the following information can be found in this News Research Service Newsletter of July 9, 1941.}:

In the unification of the Japanese people who possess the proud and noble Yamato spirit, the genuine Japanese language has always been the most important instrument. The Japanese language is the spiritual blood that circulates in all Japanese. Through it, they are unified.

This bond is so strong that it perpetuates an unbreakable chain. If a great crisis should arise in the nation, the people would gladly combine their energy for the country's best, despite hardship and even death. And, if there is good news for us, the Japanese people from the south and the north will sing the national anthem, "Kimigayowa," and bless the nation for its fortune.

The Japanese language is like a lovely mother to all our people. From our birth, this mother has held us on her lap and taught us nationalism and appreciation of country. Passionate love of this mother is like the sun in the sky.

As citizens of this country (Japan) and offsprings of this (Japanese) nation, we admire its brilliance.

Our national language cannot be forgotten in our hearts, not even for a single day, especially if we remember that we are children of gods.

The objective of Japanese education, no matter in what country it may be, is to teach the people never to be ashamed of their Japanese citizenship. First comes language, and then history. We must never forget -- not even for a moment -- that we are Japanese citizens.

Loyalty to the Emperor is absolutely paramount according to the teachings of the textbooks:

Our heavenly ruler has governed our Empire for ages past and we are his subjects. The Emperor's great predecessor, the Sun Goddess, in ancient times went to her descendant Ninigi No Mikoto and issued a divine command, telling him to go forth and found an empire upon the islands of Japan. * * * The Imperial House is the center of our country and our nation * * * With unified hearts let us pursue the path of loyalty and patriotism. There is no other country with such a royal lineage. Be thankful you are a Japanese, and worship the Imperial family.

Our great Japanese Empire has been ruled for thousands of years by our Heavenly Prince. Being his subjects, we all must continue steadfastly on the road of our predecessors.

No other country in the world can compare with ours. It is our duty to carry on the great spirit of loyalty to the Emperor and the Empress, and to achieve their aims. We must also try to understand the government of our nation and the problems confronting it. We must really try our utmost in this, at all times, for it is our duty and our job. We must do it with a big heart. We must love our country and our Emperor. We must strengthen our body. We must study everything and be diligent. We must never forget what we learn. If we do all this, we will become good Japanese.

The eighth-grade pupils are given to understand that although Hawaii belongs to the United States in body, the spirit and living habits are Japanese:

Hawaii is known as a possession of the United States of America, but here the Japanese language is spoken just as you hear it in Yokohama. Besides this, you see that about half of the entire crowd, welcoming you, are Japanese. Also, you see among them many women in the Japanese kimono and with the obi tied around their waists.

In the hotel, after you take a Japanese bath and get dressed, you can hardly believe you are in a foreign country. Of Hawaii's 380,000 population, 150,000 are Japanese. They are engaged in farming, flashing, commerce, and all sorts of business ventures. Hawaii's development to its present stage is due to the Japanese. The fish this hotel serves is caught by Japanese fishermen. * * * Coffee, sugar, pineapple, and all other fruits are produced by the hands of Japanese.

The power of the Japanese language is stressed as extending in its far-reaching importance even to North and South America:

The Japanese residing in the United States of America and Brazil have established Japanese language schools to teach their children the Japanese language.

Under a God-Emperor of unbroken lineage, our nation became matchless in the world, and it continues to move forward. * * * The Japanese language is a ring of wedlock between the feelings and spirits of our forefathers and ourselves, thus tying us together, today, as one community of citizens. Had it not been for our Japanese language, our ideals would by now have been scattered from place to place. Thus, as we march forward in the time of national difficulty, we shout "banzai" to cheer our Emperor, proud of our Japanese language and heritage. * * * And so the Japanese language holds together all its citizens, no matter where they may reside.

Those who forget the Japanese language are no longer Japanese. Respect the Japanese language. Love the Japanese language. The national language is the place where the spirits of citizens reside.


Once the Japanese-American leaves the Japanese-language school, contact with him is maintained through an unending flow of pro-Japanese and anti-American literature, and through lectures from Nipponese government officials who travel in this country as private citizens. Typical of the many books placed at the disposal of Japanese-Americans is The Future Road of the Nisei, edited by Tsunegoro Horota, endorsed by General Sugiyama, Chief of Staff, Japanese Army; and by Takashi Suzuki, director of Kinmon Gakuin, leading Japanese-language school of San Francisco. On pages 155 to 157, under the caption "Activities of Nisei for Japan," appears:

According to recent reports, several hundred lectures have been delivered on the China incident by Nisei in America. Many Nisei also returned to Japan with a mass of material, collected in California.

Things of this sort are typical of the work performed in the past by the Nisei for Japan. What they gain and what they do is by no means unimportant. The Nisei have made significant contributions to Japan, but in many cases these facts must remain hidden. For example, when the Seventh International Education Conference was held in Tokyo, the Nisei proved themselves most valuable in many respects.

When the China incident occurred, it became necessary to broadcast to the world the true news in the English language. At this most crucial moment, the Nisei did the work by assuming responsibility as is befitting great patriots. In connection with the rapid growth of cultural societies in recent years, the Nisei have played an important part through their work as translators, lecturers, travelers, etc. The role of the Nisei, at the present moment, is of utmost importance, for it is up to him to introduce Japanese culture and Japanese propaganda abroad. Nisei always take the leadership. In the world where English language newspapers and magazines are most influential, the Nisei are in an excellent position to do their share. We have seen to it that they shall be well prepared for their task.

The Nisei spirit is fostered in Los Angeles by the Rafu Shimpo, a weekly newspaper also known as the Los Angeles Japanese Daily News. This paper, printed in English and in Japanese, has a dual policy, similar in nature to that of the two different sets of textbooks. The English section reeks of patriotic sweetness, while the Japanese section shows the true spirit of the paper. Typical is the following article, printed in Japanese, captioned "Nisei Oversea Division":

We must help our oversea brethren to accomplish the aim of the Fatherland, the establishment of a Greater Asia. In the creation of an enlightened Asia, every Japanese, all over the world, must become a unit of one in the march forward.

Education of the Nisei, obviously enough, cannot be neglected. Therefore, the Imperial Education Association has appropriated 100,000 yen for the purpose of positive Nisei education all over the world, beginning this year. In cooperation with the Ministry of Education, the Ministry for Foreign Affairs, and the Greater Asia Assisting Office, a committee has been formed whose program will be (1) to make a careful study of the present status of Nisei education and of the teaching staff abroad; (2) to build a firmer foundation for Nisei education; and (3) to send the most competent teaching staffs to all parts of the world.

Many presently engaged in Nisei education abroad, desire to return home. At the same time, a large number of teachers at home are anxious to go abroad. Well planned handling of this situation will be most advantageous. Everyone is anxiously awaiting the changes which have been announced.

Prof. Ken Nakazawa, professor of oriental art and literature at the University of Southern California, Los Angeles, is educational coordinator and maintained an office in the suite of the Japanese consul at 1151 South Broadway, Los Angeles. From this point Dr. Nakazawa directed the operations of the majority of Japanese language schools in the southern California area. The schools are financed by contributions from local Japanese organizations and by regular monthly dues assessed against the parents of the Japanese children. With further reference to Dr. Nakazawa:

Dr. Nakazawa was born December 18, 1884, at Yanagawa City, Fukushima-ken, Japan; father's name, Akiyoshi Goto; mother's name, Mei Torii. The reason that Nakazawa has a family name is that he was adopted by the Nakazawa family in Japan. He sailed for this country on the steamship Doric in 1906 from Yokohama. His passport on this occasion was in the name of Goto, his real family name.

According to information. Dr. Nakazawa's records previous to 1918 were destroyed in a fire at the Hotel Esmond in Portland, Oreg., in July 1918.

According to statements made by Dr. Nakazawa on his reentry application, he had never made a return trip to Japan except the one in 1937 and that all records of his residence prior to 1918 were lost in the above-mentioned fire.

He received his education at the University of Oregon. After his graduation, he became very active in Christian circles and also wrote a number of articles for McCall's magazine, among them being the Moon Bird (issue of February 1924). Another article written by him appearing in the same issue was Treatise on Scientific Tickling Dealing With Poultry Raising. Also, Nakazawa had quite a reputation as a young playwright and author, and seems to be quite an authority on oriental music. As to his ability as a playwright, a number of his shorter plays have been put on from time to time by different Japanese societies.

In his application for reentry, Nakazawa also revealed that his former passport, with which he had entered this country, had also been destroyed in the fire mentioned, and that he made a trip to Japan in 1937 on behalf of the Japanese Consular Service and for the purpose of attending a pre-educational conference forum under the auspices of the Department of Foreign Commerce of Japan.

Dr. Nakazawa had been holding down two positions, one as professor of oriental literature and art at the University of Southern California, lecturing during the morning classes, and in the afternoon did work in the Japanese consular offices here and had been in their employ since the year 1925.

Dr. Ken Nakazawa has been very active in all of the Japanese social and cultural organizations in southern California and always came to the front whenever anything anti-Japanese appeared contrary to his liking, and seemed to have a great deal of influence upon the Nisei (first generation American-born Japanese).

Dr. Nakazawa has been apprehended by the Federal Bureau of Investigation and is being detained.

* * * * * * *

A committee investigator attended the Japanese language school at 2110 Corinth Avenue, Los Angeles, in the Little Tokyo area. Shiburo Shimano was the instructor. A large frame picture of the Emperor was on the classroom wall. In this connection mention is made of the fact that on New Year's Day Japanese children in the language schools, including Nisei, are required to face the east and bow, as though they were bowing to the Emperor in Japan. {This is called yohai in Japanese.} The salient points brought out during each class period were: (1) That the Japanese race (Yamato) was supreme, (2) that the Emperor was the "Son of Heaven," and (3) that the Japanese race was destined to rule the world.

Investigation revealed that the most important Japanese language schools in the Los Angeles area are as follows:

Japanese Language School Association, 318 North Hewitt Street.
First Japanese-American Institute, 318 North Hewitt Street.
Japanese Language School, 2110 Corinth Avenue.
Rafu Dai-ni Gakuen, 1035 Fedora Street.
Chu-o Gakuen, 204 North Saratoga Street.
Choro Kyokai Gakuen, 4011 Clinton Street.
Baptist Gakuen, 2923 East Second Street.
Seikokai Gakuen, 961 South Mariposa.
Kiristokyo Gakuen, 822 East Twentieth Street.
Rafu Seinan Gakuen, 3500 South Normandie.
Fuji Gakuen, 2014 West Twenty-ninth Place.
Rafu Nihongo Chugakko, 119 North Central Avenue.
Hokubei Gakuen, 123 South Hewitt Street.
Senshin Gakuen, 1336 West 36th Place.
Kyoai Gakuen, 1444 West Thirty-seventh Street.
Guenei Gijuku, 734 Towne Avenue.
Hinomoto Gakuen, 117 North Saratoga Street.
Tamagawa Jiku, 3020 East Fourth Street.
Taiheiyo Bunkwa Kyoiku-kai, 501-7 South Cummings Street'.
Nanka Kyoritsu Gakuen, 506 North Evergreen Avenue.
Japanese Library, 117 North San Pedro Street.

The following information was obtained from Mr. Don Godkin, an American citizen who attended Japanese-language schools in San Francisco and Redwood City, Calif.:

Almost all the instructors at these Japanese-language schools are either Issei (alien Japanese) or Kibei (American-born Japanese who have been educated in Japan, and therefore for the most part are loyal to Japan and Japanese ideals). Mr. Godkin stated that he has been brought into contact with about eight of these Gakuen instructors and has found them to be almost invariably very pro-Japanese and propound Japanese doctrines and ideals to their students to as great an extent as possible, and also encourage the students' participation in any purely Japanese festivals or celebrations. Mr. Godkin stated that these instructors are very rigid disciplinarians within these institutions and encourage the American-born Japanese students to participate in the Japanese arts and athletic endeavors, such as Judo and Sumo (two types of Japanese wrestling) and Kendo (military fencing drill).

Mr. Godkin was questioned as to the number of hours a day these American-born Japanese children are in attendance at these schools and also as to the inclusive ages of the student body at these schools that he had attended. Mr. Godkin stated that the classes were usually held for a period of about 3 hours a day and that the ages ran from 4 to about 20 years, and that to his knowledge, he was about the only white boy who had ever attended these schools and who could make statements about the teaching and conditions found in these schools.

Mr. Godkin also stated that at the present time, Kibei and Nisei instructors are very prone to attempt to influence the students to believe in the Nazi and Fascist ideals and doctrines because of the fact of the tripartite pact between Japan, Italy, and Germany. In this regard, Mr. Godkin stated that the oldest Issei instructor with whom he had come in contact recently had stated on one occasion that it was the manifest destiny of the Japanese Yamato race to rule the world, and that also the Germanic and Japanese peoples had the same ends in view and therefore should cooperate in arriving at their mutual and manifest places at the top of the world's structure.

Also questioned as to whether he had ever observed any outright un-American manifestations in these schools, Mr. Godkin answered that the Japanese flags, both national and mercantile, are usually quite prominently displayed on Japanese festive occasions, and that on many Japanese national holidays, the pictures of the Emperor and Empress, as well as the heir apparent to the Japanese imperial throne, are unveiled, and at such times as these, the children sing the Japanese national anthem, Kimi-Ga-Yo. In the Kinmon Gakuen in San Francisco, Mr. Godkin states that these pictures are kept in a separate locked cabinet and are only brought out to view on the aforementioned Japanese holidays, but while he was in attendance at the Japanese Language School at Redwood City, Calif., the pictures of the Emperor and Empress were displayed in the front of the classroom in the center at the top of the blackboard and were draped with the Japanese national colors. Also at the present time at the Kinmon Gakuen in San Francisco, pictures of Prince and Princess Chichibu, who are blood relations of the Emperor and Empress, are prominently displayed in the classroom.

Mr. Godkin stated that at these Japanese language schools, many Japanese national songs are sung, including the Japanese national anthem, Kimi-Ga-Yo, and Suamono, which is a Japanese patriotic song extolling the virtues of the Japanese military hero, Hidehoshi. Mr. Godkin stated that on several occasions, when there have been so-called joint patriotic festive ceremonies, the Japanese national colors have been displayed on the right of the platform, rather than having our national colors so displayed, and this has been true when ever Mr., Godkin has been in attendance at these ceremonies.

Mr. Godkin further stated that a considerable amount of time is spent in these Japanese language schools teaching the history of Japan, with particular emphasis placed upon Japanese national heroes and the veneration which should be accorded the Emperor.

Concerning Japanese Shinto and Buddhist church sects Mr. Godkin gave the following information:

A series of books are used at the Buddhist Hong-jai {Hongan-ji}, which is the largest Buddhist temple in the United States and belongs to the Zen sect, which is the most nationalistic of the many Buddhist sects which are in Japan, along with the Nichiden {Nichiren} sect, which is rather closely analogous to the Japanese national Shinto religion, and the covers of these books have the Japanese flags rather prominently displayed thereon as a background to a seated Bodhisattva. Mr. Godkin, who has attended many of the Buddhist ceremonies in this church, said that these books teach Emperor worship and tie Buddhism very closely to the godlike qualities attributed to the Japanese imperial family. Mr. Godkin believes that none of the Japanese Buddhists in the United States is really loyal to the United States, and in this regard, Mr. Godkin stated that the altar tablet at the Nichi Hong-jai {Nishi Hongan-ji} in San Francisco, which is the largest temple of the Nichiden {Nichiren} sect in the United States, has the following inscription in Japanese upon it: "Now Let Us Worship Our Emperor Every Morning." Mr. Godkin stated that in all Buddhist ceremonies held in the church every morning, the congregation bows toward the east in veneration of the Japanese Emperor, who is accorded the honor of being considered the reincarnation of Buddha to this sect on earth.

Also with regard to the Buddhist temples, Mr. Godkin noticed that the Japanese younger generation Sansei (second generation American-born Japanese) are asked to contribute to miniature banks which are cast in the shape of bombs and which are on the altar in these Japanese Buddhist temples, and these children are encouraged to contribute all their spare cash, pennies, and so forth, so that this money can be sent to Japan to be used by the Japanese Imperial Government. Mr. Godkin said that he has actually seen 25 of these banks on the altar in the Nichi Hong-jai {Nishi Hongan-ji} Buddhist temple in San Francisco.

Mr. Godkin was also questioned as to the general attitude of the Nisei with whom he had come in contact, and he stated that a number of them had said that as soon as they were able to do so, they wished to go to Japan to live and that at the first opportunity, they would desert the United States and give up their American citizenship. One definite statement in this regard was made by Mr. Godkin by a young Nisei named Matsayoshi Masuda, who stated in substance that the whole world will be and should be ruled by the Japanese and that he considered the Americans to be an inferior race to the Japanese. This young man up until a short time ago attended classes at the University of California, Berkeley. The committee has obtained similar information from other sources.

In addition to using the Japanese language schools for the purpose of promulgating the Japanese language and culture and for the more important reason of carrying on Japanese propaganda, the Japanese Government has from time to time used the services of the graduates of the Japanese language schools.

During the summer of 1938, the Intelligence Department of the Foreign Office in Tokyo, Japan, sent a letter marked "Secret" to the principals of every Japanese language school on the Pacific coast. The letter called for 20 American-born Japanese to serve the Japanese Government. Applicants were to be between the ages of 20 and 30 years -- either men or women; have at least a high-school education and be graduates of a Japanese language school. Their future capacity was to act as correspondents for the Domei News Agency (official Japanese news agency). They were to be stationed in China, Manchuria, Tokyo Foreign Office, Manchurian Railway, etc.

In all, some 100 southern California Nisei (first generation American-born Japanese) applied for the positions. Candidates were obliged to take examinations in both English and Japanese, English being regarded as the more important of the two languages. Letters of recommendation were considered and each applicant was required to interview the nearest Japanese consul. Applicants would be confirmed by the local Japanese consulate. Upon confirmation, each applicant was to be given the sum of $300 United States money as traveling expenses to Japan, and upon arrival in Japan, an additional yen 150 was to be given him for expenses. These applicants were to be sent to Japan not later than September 1939.

Upon arrival in Japan, the applicants were to undergo a 2-year study paid for by the Japanese Government, and upon graduation, would be obliged to serve the Japanese Government for not less than 3 years, with a salary of from yen 80 to yen 150 per month.

Among those chosen from southern California to go to Japan as propaganda students were:

(1) Kay Tateishi, a local columnist in one of the Japanese language newspapers in Los Angeles;
(2) Tamaye Tsutsumida (female), Guadalupe (Post Office Box 113);
(3) Louise Furuya, of University of City of Los Angeles;
(4) Isamu Masuda (male), Orange County, Calif., who in 1938 won first place in an oratorical contest sponsored by the Japanese American Citizens League, in which the subject was Good Citizenship.
(NOTE. -- It is suggested that at this point excerpts from the Japanese language school textbooks which have been forwarded to the committee be made a part of this report.)

Immediately after the outbreak of the war, the Japanese language schools were closed. On January 22, 1942, certain Japanese leaders called upon the Honorable William Fleet Palmer, United States attorney at Los Angeles, for the purpose of discussing the reopening of the language schools. Mr. Palmer advised the Japanese leaders that the Government would not allow the schools to use the same textbooks which were used prior to the outbreak of the war. Reproduced below is a copy of a news story regarding the Japanese leaders' talk with Mr. Palmer, which appeared in the Los Angeles Times of January 23, 1942:


Reopening of the Japanese language schools in southern California is being sought here by leaders of the Japanese colony, it was learned last night by the Times.

Japanese concerned with the management of the 248 schools with 19,000 pupils have already discussed the question of reopening the schools with United States Attorney William Fleet Palmer, it was learned.


The schools were closed voluntarily by the Japanese immediately after the outbreak of the war with Japan. The schools are financed and managed as private schools by Japanese without any supervision from the city or State department of education, as provided for in the constitution.

Palmer said he pointed out to Japanese who approached him in the matter that the Government had no control over the schools but that the Government was not going to allow the same textbooks used in the schools.

These textbooks, it was said by officials, were prepared in Japan. It was reported that the books taught Japanese customs, religion, and traditions.


Emperor Hirohito is pictured as the leading citizen of the world, a near God, in the textbooks.

"I advised the Japanese who conferred with me that they would be in bad trouble if they continued to use their old textbooks if they reopened the Japanese language schools," Palmer said.

Palmer explained that the Government has no control over the conduct of such schools but that the Department of Justice is concerned with the continuation of the propagation of what was viewed as Japanese propaganda through the use of the old textbooks.


The Japanese, in admitting that the books were prepared in Japan, said they got them cheaper than they could have them published in America.

One of the reasons given by Japanese for the reopening of the schools is that the teachers are now unemployed and need the work.

Children attending the Japanese-language schools also attend the State and city public schools, continuing their classes in the Japanese language after public school hours.

As of February 1, 1942, the Japanese-language schools have not been reopened.

{NOTE: For further data on Japanese language schools in Hawaii, see this excerpt from A Survey of Education in Hawaii (Dept. of Interior, Bureau of Education, 1920) entitled The Foreign Language Schools. Also from the same survey, see Contents of the Japanese Language School Textbooks. Japanese language school instruction posed a very serious problem in Hawaii as well as on the West Coast.}



The Japanese Association of America was incorporated under the California State laws in the year 1900. Headquarters for the association were established in San Francisco for the following two reasons: (1) In 1900, San Francisco was the center of the Japanese population in the United States, and (2) the Japanese consulate general for the west coast area was located in San Francisco.

The Japanese Association of America was organized under instructions of the Japanese consul general and became the central organization for all Japanese organizations in the various localities where Japanese had colonized. In addition to its auxiliary associations, the association was composed of such organizations as the Japanese farmers' organizations, Japanese merchants' organizations, Japanese fishermen's organizations, Japanese produce organizations, Japanese hotel men's organizations, and various semi-Japanese governmental organizations, such as Japanese veterans' groups.

A San Francisco section of the association was formed and became known as the Central Japanese Association of Northern California, while a similar organization was set up in the Los Angeles area and called the Central Japanese Association of Southern California. Also, there is a Central Japanese Association of Mexico, with branches in Mexico City, Nogales, Mazatlan, Guadalajara, Juarez, Paulau, Tampico, Veracruz, and Tapachula; and there are Japanese associations and organizations set up by Tokyo in Cuba, Brazil, Peru, Bolivia, and Argentina.

During the years since 1900, the Japanese population has shifted from the San Francisco area to southern California, especially to Los Angeles County, with the result that the Central Japanese Association of Southern California has gradually assumed more importance in the Tokyo network. However, the national headquarters of the association remained in San Francisco, for the reason, as previously stated, that the Japanese consulate general was located there and remained there despite efforts of Gongoro Nakamura, Sei Fujii, and Shungo Abe, leaders in the Central Japanese Association of Southern California, to have the national headquarters transferred to Los Angeles and to have a new consulate general set up for the southern California area. The fact that the consulate general was located in San Francisco caused the leaders in the Central Japanese Association of Southern California to make frequent trips to San Francisco for the purpose of conferring with the consul general regarding important matters of policy which could not be determined or decided by the Japanese Consul located in Los Angeles.

In 1940, the Japanese Government celebrated its 2,600th year as an empire, at which time the (Japanese) government-sponsored Congress of Overseas Japanese was held in Tokyo. This Congress had as its adviser, Toshio Shiratori, Japan's No. 1 pro-Nazi. It naturally followed, therefore, that the Congress would emulate the Nazi idea of holding a meeting each year for its nationals who were living abroad. The Nazis held such meetings at Stuttgart. At the Tokyo Congress, representatives from southern California included Shunten Kumamoto, former president of the Los Angeles Japanese Chamber of Commerce, Yaemon Minami, former president of the Southern California Central Japanese Association, and Tsuneshi Chino, of San Diego.

On the occasion of the 2,600th anniversary of Japan, Shiro Fujioka, executive secretary of the Central Japanese Association in Los Angeles, prepared a report for the headquarters of the association in Japan. (Shiro Fujioka was apprehended by the Federal Bureau of Investigation and was still in custody as of January 1, 1942. Peggy Kaoru Fujioka, a daughter of Shiro Fujioka, formerly worked for the Japanese Foreign Office in Japan and the Japanese consulate in Los Angeles.) This report, entitled ''Central Japanese Association -- History" (a misnomer), was published in Japan, where it was given wide dissemination. A few of the more trusted members of the association in California were presented with copies of the report, and a copy came into the hands of the committee, parts of which have been translated. Facts concerning the association's activities in behalf of Japan, as disclosed by the translations, clearly indicate where the control of the association lies.

In the introduction to the report, which bears the date, July 15, 1940, Gongoro Nakamura, president of the association stated:

The idea of grateful requital is one of the most beautiful spirits of the Japanese.

The fortune of the country of Japan grows by day and month; the reason is because there is only one Emperor of a single dynasty in the world, and within the people, warm is the thought of requital for the Emperor, the spirit of the entire country seething in accord.

Thus, the elders of the 50,000 Japanese in southern California, with the Central Japanese Association of America as a central guide, as the association's heads, the directors, and its supporters, enduring hardships with dauntless spirit and earnestness work together in great self-sacrifice. When we think of their pioneers' efforts, the thought of requital comes to our hearts. As a public service group retracing the meritorious deeds and following in the footsteps of the pioneers in respect and appreciation, we must keep up these efforts of self-sacrifice and continue the great undertaking.

(Gongoro Nakamura is a graduate of a law school, but not being a citizen is not allowed to practice law nor become a member of the bar. He has an office in the Olympic Hotel, 117 North San Pedro Street, Los Angeles, Calif. On May 4, 1941, Gongoro Nakamura appeared at the Hollywood Bowl at the patriotic rally held there and made a public pledge of loyalty to the United States of all Japanese, but in spite of this "pledge of loyalty" his association of which he is president, namely, the Central Japanese Association, according to an article which appeared in the Japan-California Daily News, Japanese language daily, stated that this association (May 4 issue) sent $434,000 to Japan's war chest.)

As to whether the Central Japanese Association is an arm of the Japanese Government, there can be no doubt. The following is quoted from the report:

In Los Angeles, August 1915, until the establishment of the Imperial consulate, the Southern California Central Japanese Association was the center of Japanese activity and its duties were both on the outside and inside. This organization in one phase did the work of the consulate and as was necessary at that time, the association was given permission to give references (letters of introduction) to people, by the consul general in San Francisco. Because of this permission, the association gained quite a bit of compensation for their service and even after all the expenses were paid, five to six hundred dollars were left over monthly. This district took in from Venice, San Pedro, San Gabriel and clear to Upland.

Thus it is seen that before the Japanese Government established a consulate in southern California, the Central Japanese Association acted as the Japanese Consul in this area. The first two or three pages of the report contain pictures of all the Japanese consuls who have served in the Los Angeles area, and also pictures of the important leaders in the Central Japanese Association.

Page 45, of the report indicates that at a special meeting of the board of directors, held on June 16, 1917, the following resolution, authorizing and directing the establishment of a branch of the association in Tokyo, was passed:


1. That a new Pacific coast affiliated Japanese Association office be established, and also, a branch office be established in Tokyo with a permanent representative (in charge).

Also, in this same connection, the following resolutions appear on page 96 of the report:


Present: Kayano, Sakamoto, Itano, Yoshinaga, Mankichi, Nakamura, Suechi, Hayashida, Morita, Yugawa, Niitani, Masatoshi Nakamura, Jiro Fujioka.


1. In reference to the matter of China famine relief, that an order be issued to all Japanese associations to accumulate all contributions before the last day of June.
2. That the Tokyo branch (of the association) be continued.
3. That statistics in reference to countrymen (resident Japanese) be prepared.

It appears, therefore, that as early as 1921, the Central Japanese Association, with a branch in Tokyo, was compiling statistics regarding Japanese citizens and aliens who were residing in the United States.

With further reference to Japan's interest in the Central Japanese Association and the liaison existing between it and the Japanese Government, page 100, bearing the date of 1921, is cited. The reference concerns the resignation of Chief Secretary Sasamori because of his return to Japan:

(After reciting the resignation of Chief Secretary Sasamori because of his return to Japan):

Also, at the time of his returning to Japan, (the following) resolutions of the Pacific coast conference were in charge of the central association:

1. The matter of special treatment of students returning to Japan.
2. The matter of the amendment of the Japanese national registration law.

On both of these matters, he (Sasamori) was requested to make representations to the officials in the fatherland (Japan).

It is clear from this excerpt that Chief Secretary Sasamori was requested by the association to make representations to the Japanese Government regarding Japanese.

On page 307 of the report, which is dated June 17, 1936, appears the following information:

Under the sponsorship of the 3 organizations, the consulate, the Japanese Association of Los Angeles, and this association, the same as every year, a congratulatory meeting was held at the Oriental Cafe for all southern California college graduates. Some 150 persons were in attendance, and President Nakamura, of the Japanese Association or Los Angeles, was chairman. Kichitaro Muto, head of the Nichibei Kyokai, and Maeda, representing the Central Japanese Association, Consul Hori and Consul Ishii of Vancouver gave congratulatory speeches. Representing the graduates, Ichiro Watanabe responded. Dr. Shuji Hara gave a talk on second-generation health; Chizo Nagao rendered a piano solo, (the meeting) was a complete success and disbanded in a pleasant atmosphere.

On page 402, the association, in discussing the possibility of establishing a consulate general in Los Angeles, said:

(One of the policies decided upon at a meeting of the committee to study a new Japanese-American Treaty, March 14, 1940.)

(2) The movement for many years having been pending for the elevation of the Los Angeles consulate to a consulate general, it would at this time be opportune for Consul Yoshida to explain in detail the desires of those in this area to Ambassador Horinouchi at the conference of (Japanese) diplomats to be held in Washington.

The Central Japanese Association has contributed sums for the purpose of fighting anti-alien fishing legislation in the State of California. Page 68 of the report reads, in part, as follows:

In the year 1919 the Central Japanese Association contributed $1,400 to fight the anti-alien fishing legislation in Sacramento in that year.

The Central Japanese Association and its officers and members have also been generous in their contributions to Japan's war chest. Note the following quotation from page 309 of the report, bearing the date, August 6, 1936:

After having 40 years of history since its establishment, Mr. Yayuemon Minami, president of this association, contributed 10,000 yen, in Japanese money, to the Imperial Military Assistance Association Fund (endowment).

The Central Japanese Association and its leaders have not been reticent in stating that they are loyal to Japan. Page 318 gives enlightening information in this regard:

Regular general meeting of association representatives February 19-20, 1939, held at the Kawafuku Tei (restaurant in Los Angeles).

(Excerpts from the opening speech of the meeting by President Minami.)

We stand in the vanguard of the advancement of our race, further, with the enhancement of the national glory of Japan and desiring its even greater progress and development, we must exert our best efforts.

The Central Japanese Association has contributed large sums of money to the Japanese Government. In this regard, reference is made to page 333, dated September 29, 1937, which reads, in part, as follows:

After a conference between Vice President Mukaeda of this association, President Shimizu of the Los Angeles Japanese Association, Auditor Kumamoto of this association, and Chief Secretary Iseida, it was revealed that contributions from southern California resident countrymen, together with Japanese associations and all other organizations -- accumulated "crisis contributions" totaling 255,660 yen, 90 sen -- had been transmitted to the Army and Navy officials in sums of 27,830 yen, 45 sen each, through the local Los Angeles branch of the Yokohama Specie Bank, the California Bank, and the branch of the Sumitomo Bank.

The Central Japanese Association has contributed a plane for the use of the Japanese Army and Navy. Note page 339, dated February 1938, which reads, in part, as follows:

It was explained that within the previous 5 months, from the activities of the 21 southern California associations, as a result of efforts to obtain contributions for an airplane for both the Army and the Navy, by January 30 there were enough contributions to purchase one plane for the (Japanese) Army, and at this time the support of the representatives for contributions for a plane for the Navy was sought. This was unanimously approved.

With further reference to the attitude of the Central Japanese Association toward what it terms the China Incident attention is directed to page 393, to the resolution which was passed at a regular meeting of association representatives held February 16-17, 1940:

Regular general meeting of association representatives February 16-17, 1940, held at the Kawafuku Tei (restaurant in Los Angeles).

(2d) A resolution of gratitude was adopted in reference to soldiers killed in battle in the China incident and wounded officers and men, and officers and men fighting on the front line. It was referred to a drafting committee for the purpose of drafting a letter to be dispatched by cable to the Minister of War and the Minister of Navy. The committee members were: Soya Nishizaki, Jungo Abe, Sueji Nishimura, Mankichi Nakamura, and Masahira Ishii.

On August 20, 1938, the Central Japanese Association was presented with two Japanese flags and photographs of the so-called China incident by Mrs. Furuzawa, head of the Japanese Navy Assistance League of Los Angeles. This is mentioned on page 349:

The association was given two flags of the Rising Sun (one flag a naval flag) and photographs of the China incident and a number of fans by Mrs. Furuzawa.

At a regular meeting of the association held on February 17-18, 1939, Gongoro Nakamura, president of the association, explained the "Day of Commemoration" on page 357:

Regular meeting of representatives, February 17-18, 1939.

Explanation of "Day of Commemoration" by President Nakamura.

"Henceforth we will remember the Chinese incident and the hardships of the officers and men of the Imperial Army fighting on the front line. The seventh day of every month will be a day of commemoration, on which we will curtail our living expenses, and it is desired the money saved be contributed to the Army and the Navy. Further, also on that day, before the evening meal, we must say a prayer for the souls of those soldiers who have died in battle."

In this same connection, the following is quoted from page 359, dated February 17 and 18, 1939:

"We resident countrymen from afar express our wholehearted gratitude to the officers and men of the Imperial Army fighting throughout China for the establishment of everlasting peace in East Asia, and we pledge ourselves to hereafter exert more and more effort from behind the lines."

The above was dispatched by cable to the War and Navy Departments."

Page 368, dated April 25, 1939, states that the Central Japanese Association tendered a party to the newly arrived Ambassador Horiuchi:

Ambassador Horiuchi and party were tendered a welcome meeting by this association, the Los Angeles Japanese Association, and the Women's League, jointly at the Ichifuji Cafe.

It is reported on page 369 that the officers of the Central Japanese Association attended a celebration in honor of the Emperor's birthday:

The Emperor's birthday celebration abroad (meaning in Los Angeles) was held at the Japanese consular's residence and the president and secretary of the association were in respectful attendance. The same night at a felicitory meeting sponsored by the Los Angeles Japanese Association, President Nakamura representing this association (the Central Japanese Association) read aloud a felicitory letter.

As stated on page 374 (September 21, 1939), the association dispatched a telegram on the occasion of the death of Kiju Matsumura, Imperial consul at Portland:

Kiju Matsumura, Imperial consul at Portland, died as a result of an automobile accident while on a tour of inspection and a telegram of condolence was dispatched.

Central Japanese Association has always welcomed and entertained visiting Japanese Army and naval officers. Page 376, dated October 20, 1939, states:

General Terauchi and party arrived in Los Angeles. President Nakamura, Auditor Urashibata, and the chief secretary, representing the association, welcomed the group at the station.

On October 20, 1939, the Central Japanese Association requested advice as to the proper procedure for transmitting funds to the Japanese Army and Navy Military Relief Department. The following is quoted from page 377:

A request was received from Adviser Yayuemon Minami as to procedure for transmitting to the Army and Navy Military Relief Department a contribution of approximately 10,000 yen.

Since the beginning of Japan's campaign in China, the Central Japanese Association and its subsidiaries have made systematic collections from Japanese living in southern California. From August, 1937, to April, 1940, the association collected and forwarded to Japan $128,307.02 in American money and ¥14,296.58 in Japanese money. The report gives a detailed account of the amounts collected, sources of contributions, and the purposes for which the moneys were raised. This information appears on pages 418 to 424 of the report, and is as follows:

Long-term patriotic fund contributions and crisis military service fund contributions

From August 1937 to April 1940:
American money $128,307.02
Japanese money ¥14,296.58

Items of account:
Long-term patriotic fund contributions $115,724.04
Crisis military service fund contributions $12,582.98
Crisis military service fund contributions (Japanese money) ¥14,296. 58

Los Angeles Japanese Association collections:
Long-term patriotic fund contributions $34,240.58
Crisis military service fund contributions $970.06
Do ¥13,896.58
Total, American money $35,211.87
Total, Japanese money ¥13,896.58

San Bernardino Japanese Association collections: Long-term patriotic fund contributions $2,653.00
San Luis Obispo Japanese Association collections:
Long-term patriotic fund contributions $6,984.15
Crisis military service fund contributions $55.00
Total $7,039.15

San Gabriel Heigen Produce Association collections: Long-term patriotic fund contributions $1,362.00
San Pedro Japanese Association collections: Long-term patriotic fund contributions $12,349.20
Smelsa Japanese Association collections:
Long-term patriotic fund contributions $1,762.00
(Japanese money) Crisis military service fund contributions ¥1,000.00

Lompoc Japanese Association collections:
Long-term patriotic fund contributions $2,457.00
Crisis military service fund contributions $80.00
Total $2,537.00

Santa Barbara Japanese Association collections: Long-term patriotic fund contributions $2,541.56
Venice-Palms Japanese Association collections:
Long-term patriotic fund contributions $906.50
Crisis military service fund contributions (Japanese money) ¥100.00

San Diego Japanese Association collections:
Long-term patriotic fund contributions $7,377.73
Crisis military service fund contributions $95.00
Total $7,472.73

Gardena Heigen Japanese Association collections: Long-term patriotic fund contributions $2,725.63
Central Imperial Heigen Japanese Association collections:
Long-term patriotic fund contributions $4,065.72
Crisis military service fund contributions $30.00
Total $4,095.72

Guadalupe Japanese Associations collections:
Long-term patriotic fund contributions $17,848.80
Crisis military service fund contributions $403.65
Total - - $18,252.45

Teikoku Heigen Japanese Association collections:
Long-term patriotic fund contributions $4,451.25
Crisis military service fund contributions $51.00
Total : $4,502.25

Long Beach Japanese Association collections:
Long term patriotic fund contributions $2,462.24
Crisis military service fund contributions $10.00
Total : $2,472.24

Montebello Japanese Association collections: Long-term patriotic contributions: $2,329.54
Pasadena Japanese Association collections: Long-term patriotic fund contributions $3,075.36
Antelope Heigen Agricultural Association collections: Long-term patriotic fund contributions $127.50
Southern California Kaha (?) County Association fraternal collections: Long-term patriotic fund contributions $245.00
Potero Height Doshi Kai collections: Long-term patriotic fund contributions $219.00
Los Angeles Japanese Barbers' Association collections: Long-term patriotic fund contributions $547.00
Santa Maria Jugohoshi Kai collections: Long-term patriotic fund contributions $2,073.00
Lomita-Walteria Patriotic Society collections: Long-term patriotic fund contributions $738.00
Santa Ana Garden Grove Japanese Association collections: Crisis military service fund contributions $698.50
San Gabriel Heigen Japanese Association collections: Crisis military service fund contributions $1,008.00
Riverside Japanese Association collections: Crisis military service service fund contributions $700.90
Norwalk Agricultural Produce Association collections: Crisis military service fund contributions $1,738.00
Southern California Flower Market collections: Crisis military service fund contributions $1,286.00
Arizona Japanese Association collections: Crisis military service fund contributions $614.70
Orange County Japanese Association collections: Crisis military service fund contributions $1,236.72
Oxnard Japanese Association collections: Crisis military service fund contributions $1,174.50
Agricultural Produce Association collections: Crisis military service fund contributions $326.50
Anaheim Japanese Language School collections: Crisis military service fund contributions $146.00
Compton Buddhist School collections: Crisis military service fund contributions $94.00
Costa Mesa Produce Association collections: Crisis military service fund contributions $303.50
Pasadena Delphian Club collections: Crisis military service fund contributions $10.00
Talbot Japanese Language School collections: Crisis military service fund contributions $20.00
Brawley Methodist Episcopal Church Woman's Society collections: Crisis military service fund contributions $30.00
Sierra Madre Japanese Language School collections: Long-term patriotic fund contributions $28.00

Central Japanese Association of America office collections:
Long-term patriotic fund contributions $924.05
Crisis military service fund contributions $232.45
Total $1,156.50


From all countrymen in Samar ¥140.12
Southern California Kagoshima Prefectural Women's Society ¥2,217.00
Santa Maria Joint Women's Societies ¥274.47
Brawley Buddhist Women's Association ¥620.44
San Bernardino Japanese Association ¥131.38
San Luis Obispo Buddhist Women's Association and Arroyo Grande Japanese Language School Mothers' Society ¥884.67
Costa Mesa Produce Association and Japanese Language School ¥425.18
Total ¥4,746.26

While the Central Japanese Association was carrying on its money-raising campaigns in behalf of the Japanese Government, and while it was carrying on its espionage activities for the Japanese Government, it had the temerity to publish and disseminate a pamphlet entitled "Americanism." An examination of the pamphlet and an examination of the report of the Central Japanese Association will disclose that the Central Japanese Association was serving the cause of Americanism with lip service only, while, on the other hand, in its detailed report printed only in the Japanese language, it praised and revered the Japanese Emperor, vowed allegiance to the Emperor, and made every effort to raise money for the Japanese Government to swell its war chest.


It has been pointed out that the Central Japanese Association dominates the various Japanese organizations and groups which control the Japanese in every community in which they live. The following question presents itself: How does this parent body maintain such complete control over the subsidiary organizations? With this question in mind, the committee analyzed the offices which prominent leaders of the Central Japanese Association held in the various subsidiary groups. The analysis revealed that the leaders of the Central Japanese Association are also the moving forces in the various smaller units. The evidence of the interlocking directorate which exists is revealed in the following study:

(This study was made on the organizations as of their 1940 organizational set-up. Since that time there has been a juggling of officers in an effort to confuse governmental agencies which have been investigating Japanese activities.)

Abe, Shungo:
Adviser, Central Japanese Association.
President, Los Angeles Japanese Association.
Vice president and director, Japanese Cultural Society.
Honorary board, Hokubei Daijingu (Shinto).
Managing director, Beikoku Shinto Kyokai (Shinto).

Fujii, Sei:
Adviser, Central Japanese Association.
Vice president, Greater Japan Agricultural Association, North American branch.
Adviser, Higashi Hongwanji Betsuin (Buddhist).
Adviser, Hokubeizen Zenshuji (Buddhist).
Adviser, Hokubein Daijingu (Shinto).
Honorary board, Beikoku Shinto Kyokai (Shinto).

Futamura, Kohji:
Auditor, Long Beach Japanese Association.
Long Beach representative, Southern California Imperial Veterans.

Hamano, Yasuo:
Councilor, Los Angeles Japanese Association.
Head of general affairs, Hokubeizen Zenshuji (Buddhist).

Hara, Hatsuji:
Councilor, Los Angeles Japanese Association.
Treasurer, Los Angeles Japanese American Society.

Higashikuze, Masaye (Masae):
Councilor, Los Angeles Japanese Association.
Member of board of trustees. Southern California Chamber of Commerce and Industry.
Director, Japanese Cultural Society.

Ito, Takijiro (Takejiro):
Councilor, Los Angeles Japanese Association.
Adviser, Hokubei Daijingu (Shinto).
Director, Hokubei Jyodo Shu Kyokai (Shinto).

Keneko, Kurakichi:
Councilor, Los Angeles Japanese Association.
Head of board of directors, Hompa Hongwanji Rafu Betsuin (Buddhist).
Managing director, Beikoku Shinto Kyokai (Shinto).

Kato, Takechi:
Councilor, Los Angeles Japanese Association.
Downtown representative, Southern California Imperial Veterans.

Kato, Tokuchi:
Councilor, Los Angeles Japanese Association.
Treasurer, Beikoku Shinto Kyokai (Shinto).

Kazuhaya (Kazahaya), Katsuichi:
Councilor, Los Angeles Japanese Association.
Head of board of directors, Koyasan Beikoku Betsuin (Buddhist).
Honorary board, Beikoku Shinto Kyokai (Shinto).

Kono, Katsuya:
Vice president, Los Angeles Japanese Association.
Treasurer, Hompa Hongwanji Rafu Betsuin (Buddhist).

Kumamoto, Shunten:
Councilor, Los Angeles Japanese Association.
Member of board of trustees. Southern California Chamber of Commerce and Industry.
Member of board of directors. Greater Japan Agricultural Association, North American branch.
Secretary and director, Japanese Cultural Society.
Vice head, board of directors, Koyasan Beikoku Betsuin (Buddhist).
Managing director, Hokubei Daijingu (Shinto).
Honorary board, Beikoku Shinto Kyokai (Shinto).

Minami, Yaemon (Yayemon) (Yayuemon):
Adviser, Central Japanese Association.
Member of board of trustees, Southern California Chamber of Commerce and Industry.
Member of board of directors, Greater Japan Agricultural Association, North American branch.
Director, Japanese Cultural Society.
Adviser, Hokubeizen Zenshuji (Buddhist).
Adviser, Hokubei Daijingu (Shinto).
Honorary board, Beikoku Shinto Kyokai (Shinto).

Mukaeda, Katsuma:
Adviser, Central Japanese Association.
Councilor, Los Angeles Japanese Association.
Trustee, Southern California Association for the Preservation of Japanese History.
Superintendent and director, Japanese Cultural Society.
Honorary board, Hokubei Daijingu (Shinto).
Honorary board, Beikoku Shinto Kyokai (Shinto).

Murata, Shunichi:
Councilor, Los Angeles Japanese Association.
Member of board of trustees, Southern California Chamber of Commerce and Industry.
Treasurer, Southern California Association for the Preservation of Japanese History.
Vice President and Secretary, Japanese Cultural Society.
Director, Japanese Cultural Society.
Vice head of directors, Hokubeizen Zenshuji (Buddhist).

Murata, Suematsu:
Member of board of directors. Central Japanese Association.
Vice head of board of directors, Higashi Hongwanji Betsuin (Buddhist).

Muto, Kichitaro:
Vice President, Central Japanese Association.
Councilor. Los Angeles Japanese Association.
Trustee, Southern California Association for the Preservation of Japanese History.
President, board of maintenance, Higashi Hongwanji Betsuin (Buddhist).

Nagamoto, Shozo:
Secretary, Central Japanese Association.
Councilor, Los Angeles Japanese Association.
Honorary board, Beikoku Shinto Kyokai (Shinto).

Nakamura, Gongoro:
President, Central Japanese Association.
Councilor, Los Angeles Japanese Association.
Vice president, Los Angeles Japanese American Society.
Vice president and director, Japanese Cultural Society.
Adviser, Hokubeizen Zenshuji (Buddhist).
Adviser, Hokubei Daijingu (Shinto).
Honorary board, Beikoku Shinto Kyokai (Shinto).

Nakamura, Kanta (Kenta):
Councilor, Los Angeles Japanese Association.
Member of board of directors, Rafu Nichiren Shu Kyokai.

Okura, Momota:
Board of directors. Central Japanese Association.
Vice president, San Pedro Japanese Association.
Commandant, Southern California Imperial Veterans.

Sasahara, Yoshitaro:
Councilor, Los Angeles Japanese Association.
Vice head, board of directors, Hompa Hongwanji Rafu Betsuin (Buddhist).
Honorary board, Beikoku Shinto Kyokai (Shinto).

Sasashima, Hideki:
Councilor, Los Angeles Japanese Association.
Treasurer, Southern California Chamber of Commerce and Industry.
Board of trustees, Southern California Chamber of Commerce and Industry.
Special treasurer, Hompa Hongwanji Rafu Betsuin (Buddhist).
Managing director, Hompa Hongwanji Betsuin Nichiyo Gakko (Shinto).

Sato, Saburo:
Councilor, Los Angeles Japanese Association.
Vice head, board of directors, Gosan Zenneiji (Buddhist).

Sato, Takeo:
Councilor, Los Angeles Japanese Association.
Member of board of directors. Southern California Chamber of Commerce and Industry.
Director, Japanese Cultural Society.

Shirakawa, Choichiro:
Councilor, Los Angeles Japanese Association.
Assistant treasurer, Southern California Imperial Veterans.

Tada, Kinichi:
Councilor, Los Angeles Japanese Association.
Board of trustees, Southern California Chamber of Commerce and Industry.

Takata, Geichi (Giichi):
Councilor, Los Angeles Japanese Association.
Honorary board, Beikoku Shinto Kyokai (Shinto).

Toba, Kotaro:
Councilor, Los Angeles Japanese Association.
Board of trustees. Southern California Chamber of Commerce and Industry.
Director, Japanese Cultural Society.

Tomio, Tomozo (Tomoyo) (Tamazo):
Councilor, Los Angeles Japanese Association.
Adviser, Koyasan Beikoku Betsuin (Buddhist).
Adviser, Hokubei Daijingu (Shinto).
Honorary board, Beikoku Shinto Kyokai (Shinto).

Tsunekawa, Senemon:
Councilor, Los Angeles Japanese Association.
Vice head, board of directors, Higashi Hongwanji Betsuin (Buddhist).

Watanabe, Chiyozaburo:
Vice president, South Pasadena Japanese Association.
Treasurer, Japanese Patriotic League, South Pasadena Japanese Association.

Urushibata, Kohjiro (Koujiro):
Adviser, San Pedro Japanese Association.
Head, board of directors, Rafu Nichiren Shu Kyokai (Buddhist).


There are several Japanese newspapers published in San Francisco, the two leading ones being the Japanese-American News and the San Francisco New World Sun. From time to time news items appearing in Japanese papers in San Francisco have been translated, a few of which items, chiefly concerning Japanese associations, are as follows:

Thirty-two bales of tinfoil were shipped to Japan through the Japanese Consulate general and were contributed by the Japanese associations of Fresno, Utah, Kern County, Delano, and San Benito.

The Sonoma County Japanese Association announces a drive for the collection of tinfoil for shipment to Japan.

The Central California Japanese Association announces the collection and transmission to the War Ministry the sum of $3,542.05.

Japanese Association also supervised the assemblage of packages to be sent to soldiers of the Japanese Army in China and the collection of tinfoil. (At one time a huge pile of bundles for the soldiers was accumulated at the Japanese Association headquarters in San Francisco.)

When the order freezing Japanese assets was issued, Japanese Association of San Francisco announced that because of difficulties of transmission, it would no longer accept contributions of tinfoil to be sent to Japan.

Officers of the Japanese associations are very much in evidence on Tenchosetsu (Emperor's birthday) and visit consular residence, bow in obeisance before photographs of Emperor and Empress, drink toast in ceremonial wine.

Japanese associations now engaged in collecting emergency funds in view of critical times.

Japanese oil tanker crew given sightseeing tour by Japanese Association of San Francisco (April 1, 1941).

Oil tanker Erimo Maru sailed after sightseeing tour tendered crew.

Crew of Nisshin Maru entertained.

In May 1936, Tatsuki Sakada, president of the Courtland Japanese Association, returned to America with several American-born Japanese whose return he sponsored and reported on his efforts on behalf of Kibei movement.

Sponsored by the Kern County Japanese Association, a meeting of first and second generation Japanese was held with 24 first generation and 51 second generation Japanese in attendance. The chairman of the meeting was Seizo Takemoto, and the discussion concerned employment, Japanese language studies, and marriage.

Japanese Association of Los Angeles tendered a banquet to the presidents of all of the Japanese associations in the Los Angeles area. (The banquet was held at the Shogetsu Tei, 258 Jackson St., Los Angeles, Calif.)

Kenji Nakauchi, new consul of Los Angeles, was met by Nakamura and Mukaeda, presidents of both Japanese associations and H. T. Komai, editor and publisher of the Rafu Shimpo (a Japanese-language newspaper published in Los Angeles), together with about 100 representatives of all Japanese organizations, when he arrived on the 9 o'clock train.

From the foregoing news items, it will be noted that the activities of the Central Japanese Association have extended over the entire Western Hemisphere and that Japanese associations are organized in all localities where Japanese have colonized in any numbers.

It will be seen from the facts outlined in this section --

(1) That the Japanese Government controls the operations of an important Japanese agency in the United States;
(2) That this agency is the Central Japanese Association;
(3) That the Central Japanese Association has subsidiary associations located throughout the Western Hemisphere;
(4) That the control so exercised by the Japanese Government is effected through Japanese diplomatic and consular officials;
(5) That the parent organization, the Central Japanese Association, is able to maintain control over its subsidiaries and all organized Japanese groups and all Japanese officials in any way connected therewith, by the giving of favors, such as securing agencies in the United States for Japanese firms, by conferring honorary Japanese titles on Japanese leaders, by monetary gifts, and so forth.

It will also be seen that the functions of the Central Japanese Association are:

(1) To instill in its members an undying loyalty to the Japanese Government, to the Emperor, and to the Japanese language and traditions;
(2) To raise money for the Japanese Government and its war chest;
(3) To cooperate with and assist Japanese diplomatic and consular officials; and
(4) To keep the entire Japanese community under control, thereby serving Japan's interests in America.


The organizational set-up of the Central Japanese Association of Southern California, in 1940, was as follows:

President: Gongoro Nakamura.
Vice presidents Kichitaro Muto, Isao Tojima, Shiroichi Koyama.
Secretaries: Kazuichi Hashimoto, Shozo Nagamoto, Kinji Nishi, Seikichi Aihara, Yoshisuke Hatanaka.
Board of directors: Shigetoshi Fujii, Masunosuke Otsui, Gentaro Bessho, Chotaro Fujita, Suetsugu Nishimura, Tametsugu Okubo, Shoten Kumamoto, Jihei Kuga, Koslairo Umekubo, Mankichi Nakamura, Tatsuo Abe, Hachiro Mizuzaki, Gyujiro Arita, Mitsuji Furuta, Suematsu Murata, Kantaro Inouye, Kikuhei Fujimoto, Shuntaro Yamashita, Momota Okura.
Advisers: Yayuemon Minami, Katsuma Mukaeda, Sei Fujii, Shungo Abe, Koh Murai.

Under the Central Japanese Association, the organizational set-up of other important Japanese organizations, in 1940, were as follows:

SOUTHERN CALIFORNIA IMPERIAL VETERANS, 129½ East First Street, Los Angeles, Calif.:
Advisers: Tadayoshi Furukawa, Shonen Kimura, Hiroshi Suzuki.
Commandants: Dr. Rikita Honda, Momota Okura, Harunori Nagamine, Sadamatsu Tanaka.
Chief secretary: Naoshi Nakamura.
Assistant secretary: Sokichi Tabata.
Chief treasurer: Yoshinori Kuwada.
Assistant treasurer: Choichiro Shirakawa.
Director of reports and information: Sokichi Tabata.
Director of personnel: Tanzo Miyake.
Directors of headquarters: Sakutaro Kubota, Tetsuzo Sawataki, Kametaro Iwata, Futaro Hiraiwa.
Downtown representative: Takichi Kato.
Boyle Heights representative: Kichigoro Yoshimura.
Hollywood representative: Tamasaburo Yamauchi.
Uptown representative: Riemon Nishida.
Pasadena representative: Ukichi Kokura.
West Los Angeles representative: Uekichi Takagi.
Gardena representative: Haruichi Kijima.
San Pedro representative: Kuichi Izumi.
Huntington Beach representative: Kamenosuke Aoki.
Long Beach representative: Koji Futamura.

JAPANESE CULTURAL SOCIETY, 355 East First Street, Los Angeles, Calif.:
President: Shintaro Fukushima.
Vice presidents: Gongoro Nakanuira, Shungo Abe, Shunichi Murata.
Secretaries: Shunsui Seki, Shunten Kumamoto, Shunichi Murata,
Superintendent: Katsuma Mukaeda.
Directors: Shintaro Fukushiina, Kojin Tanaka, Gongoro Nakamura, Shungo Abe, Shunichi Murata, Shunten Kumamoto, Kozo Miyabe, Masaye Higashikuze, Kotaro Toba, Takeo Sato, Yutaka Kubota, Ryuji Tatsuno, Eiji Tanabe, Ken Nakazawa, Iku Akashi, Yayuemon Mmami, Katsuma Mukaeda.

LOS ANGELES JAPANESE AMERICAN SOCIETY, 436 South Boyle Avenue, Los Angeles, Calif.:
President: Louise Ward Watkins.
Vice presidents: Gongoro Nakamura, Dr. Yorinori Kukichi, C. H. Matson, Nellie G. Oliver.
Secretaries: Maraget Hara, Mrs. Nimumo.
Treasurer: Hatsuji Hara.

President: Shinichi Murata.
Vice presidents: Minoru Hori, Shinkichi Osada.
Treasurers: Hideki Sasashima, Sadagoro Hoshizaki.
Auditors: Mitsuhiko Shimizu, Shoji Naruse.
Board of Trustees: Iku Akashi, chairman.
Secretaries: Takeo Tada, Ryoichi Ishioka, Reiko Hanade.
Members: Bungoro Mori, Toyosaka Komai, Seishiro Fujioka, Shinichi Murata, Kinichi Tada, Kotaro Toba, Takeo Sato, Masaye Higashikuze, Kobato Ota, Matajiro Hasegawa, Susumu Kohoshi, Minoru Hori, Sadagoro Hoshizaki, Tanesaburo Saji, Kosaku Uyeno, Mitsuhiko Shimizu, Shunten Kumamoto, Kametareo Akiyama, Masajiro Kai, Takayoshi Karakani, Tsuruhiko Abe, Zuizaburo Yuzawa, Takoichi Murakami, Kenzo Nakatsuka, Shinkichi Osada, Shoji Naruse, Toraichi Abe, Hideki Sasashima, Yayuemon Minami, Masami Sasaki, Tsuneshi Kayano, Susumu Hasuike, Masataka Zaima, Chimata Tsunoda, Ruka Takahashi, Shinji Kawamura, Toraichi Kaku, Takeo Koshiro, Isaburo Okada.
Advisers: Bungoro Mori, Shonan Kimura, Seishiro Fujioka, Clarence Matson, Judge K. Gotfield.
Director of trade: Shunosuke Komatsu.
Assistants: Kay Sugahara, Tadashi Hori.
Director of industry: Morizo Yokomizo.
Assistants: Shigemitsu Ando, Sadao Okumoto.
Director of investigation: Ban Osa.
Assistants: Eiji Tanabe, Fred Tayama.
Director of social relations: Hitoshi Fukui.
Assistants: Kiyoshi Okura, Masao Satow.
Director of promotion: Koh Matsuzaki.
Assistants: Togo Tanaka, Ken Matsumoto.
Director of commercial affairs: Tadashi Shimada.
Assistants: Kiyoshi Hori, Yuji Shiozuka.
Director of information: Kichitaro Kurata.
Assistants: Makoto Takeno, George Morey (Mori).

President: (honorary), Consul Shintaro Fukushima.
President: Masajiro Kai.
Treasurer: Shunichi Murata, Shiro Nakamura.
Trustees: Toyosaku Komai, Kichitaro Muto, Katsuma IMukaeda.
Managing editor: Dr. Sakae Suski.

LOS ANGELES JAPANESE ASSOCIATION, 117 North San Pedro Street, Los Angeles, Calif.:
President: Shungo Abe.
Vice presidents: Koshiro Umekubo, Fusataro Nakaya, Katsuma Kono, Kakuo Tanaka.
Treasurers: Meijiro Sato, Tameichi Asano.
Auditors: Jimbei Hori, Hideo Okada, Kotaro Sakakura, Kenjiro Shinozaki.
Executive secretary : Shuichi Sasaki.
Councilors: Shunten Kumamoto, Masaji Ito, Jiro Fujioka, Genichiro Iwasaki, Shozo Nagamoto, Kurakichi Kaneko, Takechi Kato, Tokuchi Kato, Katsuichi Kazahaya, Taiji Kita, Kyuji Komai, Mitsubu Amano, Ukitaro Aratani, Junji Asakura, Momotaru Kuwaki, Kintaro Asano, Sukehichi Maruyama, Yosaku Miyabe, Tatsuzo Furukawa, Shigetaro Miyazaki, Toto Moroto, Hatsuji Hara, Katsuma Mukaeda, Shunichi Murata, Kichitaro Muto, Tomoyo Tomio, Gongoro Nakamura, Shinsuke Wakabayashi, Mankichi Nakamura, Kempei Watanabe, Itaro Yamano, Denshiro Nishimoto, Kametaro Akiyama, Tomomi Yamashita, Hyoshiro Nomura, Yasuo Hamano, Geichi Takata, Tametsu, Odera, Hideki Sasashima, Miyakichi Sato, Saburo Sato, Sekijiro Shimahara, Kohei Shimano, Mitshuhiko Shimizu, Hideo Shirai, Junichi Sngihara, Seichro Takeda, Takeo Sato, Kyuichi Sasaki, Yoshitaro Sasahara, Masataro Kido, Kotaro Toba, Masamichi Yamamoto, Hideo Okada, Komao Sasamoto, Masaye Higashikuze, Yoshitaka Hoda, Choichiro Shirakawa, Byohei Takeshita, Senemon Tsunekawa, Kinichi Tada, Takijiro Ito, Kanta Nakamura, Takeo Tsumura, Takeo Miyake, Chozo Watanabe, Tokujiro Tokata, Kazuo Kimura.

PASADENA JAPANESE ASSOCIATION, 56 West Del Mar Street, Pasadena, Calif.:
President: Suetsumi Nichimura.
Vice presidents: T. Sakaguchi, Hichitaro Takayama, Otaro Kurokawa.
Treasurers: Takucihi Izumi, Kazuichi Hashizuma, Jiro Merita.
Auditors: Shichiro Hayakawa, Nimpo Tsushima.
Director of Education: Kiyogi Mikuri.
Assistant: Motojiro Iwata.
Secretary: Yayemitsu Sugimachi.

SANTA BARBARA JAPANESE ASSOCIATION, 131 East Canon Perdido, Santa Barbara, Calif.:
President: Kikuhei Fujimoto.
Vice president: Kuraichi Tamura.
Secretary-treasurer: Imasaji Ujie.
Board of trustees: Takasumi Asakura, Kanazuchi Fujii, Hideo Fukushima, Kanezo Furukawa, Kinujiro Imai, Yonezo Inouye, Shigezo Koga, Tomoyo Kuroki, Hambei Nakayama, Masanori Takano, Kichigoro Takizaki, Tsuneo Takeuchi, Masao Kamizaka, Suetezo Yamada.

IMPERIAL VALLEY JAPANESE ASSOCIATION, post-office box 1228, Brawley, Calif.:
President: Yoshisuke Hatanaka.
Vice president: Tamihei Hamajima.
Niland vice president: Zensuke Uchimiya.
Treasurers: Fuyutaro Nakamura, Yasunosuke Honda.
Auditors: Sakaemon Sato, Hiroshi Aizawa.
Agricultural chairman: Tomohachi Miyagi.
Commercial chairman: Terumi Takahashi.
Young people's chairman: Hidemaro Kubo.
Secretary: Shohachi Nishizaki.

GARDENA JAPANESE ASSOCIATION, 15912 South Western Avenue, Moneta, Calif.:
President: Isao Tojima.
Vice presidents: Shigetoshi Fujii, Shigenaga Kawata, Shinji Shigenaka, Kichinosuke Ikegoe.
Treasurers: Benzo Tadokoro, Gisaburo Minami.
Auditors: Gohemon Higashi, Kentaro Uyeda, Yasoichi Miyawaki, Yasuhisa Matsumura, Masamitsu.
Secretary: Tsutomu Ozamoto.

SOUTH PASADENA JAPANESE ASSOCIATION, 917 Meridian Avenue, South Pasadena, Calif.:
President: Shimato Shimazu.
Vice president: Chiyozaburo Watanabe.
Treasurers: Kiyoto Shigeichi, Magoichi Yusa.
Auditors: Minekichi Mukae, Yuzaburo Yamanaka.
Japanese patriotic league:
Treasurer: Chiyozaburo Watanabe.
Secretary: Yoshihisa Yamanaka.

SANTA MONICA JAPANESE ASSOCIATION, 1824 Sixteenth Street, Santa Monica, Calif.:
President: Senkichi Shikami.
Vice presidents: Kametaro Naoye, Shigetomo Sasa.
Treasurers: Nakasuke Nakamishi, Toyoshige Mayeda.
Auditors: Ichijiro Sakata, Yoshimatsu Kishi.
Secretary: Kumaji Ikenaga.

MONTEBELLO JAPANESE ASSOCIATION, 1125 South Maple Avenue, Montebello, Calif., post office box 128, Montebello, Calif.:
President: Gentaro Bessho.
Vice president: Kuniji Watanabe.
Treasurers: Mataji Yoshii, Masao Kubota.
Auditors: Otegora Muranaka, Shinichi Sasaki, Shohichi Morimoto.
Secretary: Sanzo Uyeyama.

SAN PEDRO JAPANESE ASSOCIATION, 642 Tuna Street, Terminal Island, Calif.:
President: Kazuichi Hashimoto.
Vice presidents: Yosaburo Hama, Momota Okura, Kojiro Kawachi.
Treasurers: Akimatsu Nakamura, Yasutaro Tanaka.
Auditors: Tetsunosuke Koiso, Shintaro Nakagawa.
Secretary: Shigemasa Hiraga.
Advisers: Kohjiro Urushibata, Yoichiro Okuyama, Isahei Hatashita.

DOWNEY JAPANESE ASSOCIATION, route 1, box 278 B. Bellflower, Calif.:
President: Tsunetaro Kogawa.
Vice presidents: Saburo Tanaka, Aikichi Arikawa.
Treasurers: Tamehachi Hayashida, Tatsunosuke Horikiri.
Auditors: Kohei Yoshida, Sotaro Hokoyama.
Head of agriculture: Alatakichi Saito.
Assistant: Komao Kinoshita.
Head of social relations: Hito Yoshita.
Assistant: Seiryu Nishimura.
Supporters: Saito, Nagata, Horikiri, Tanaka, Kogawa, Suzukawa, Sakioka, Nakamura, Takahama, Arikawa, Hokoyama, Tsujii, Hito. Jingo, Hayashida, Kinoshita, Nishikawa, Yoshida.

SAN BERNARDINO COUNTY JAPANESE ASSOCIATION, 783 North Mount Vernon Avenue, San Bernardino, Calif.:
President: Tatsu Abe.
Vice president: Hiroji Uyemura.
Treasurers: Shinichi Inouye, Kumajiro Hirata.
Auditors: Kogawa, Yamamoto, Tadao Shimazu, Keinosuke Oizumi.
Secretary: Shizuo Oka.

RIVERSIDE JAPANESE ASSOCIATION, 3195 Fourteenth Street, Riverside, Calif.:
President: Tametsugu Okubo.
Vice presidents: Chiyasu Inaba, Shonosuke Ishikawa.
Treasurers: Kei Murai, Masaji Sakai.
Auditors: Tameyoshi Yonemura, Ryosaku Tsubota.

SMELSA JAPANESE ASSOCIATION, post-office box 239, Huntington Beach, Calif.:
President: Mitsuji Furuta.
Vice president: Hichiro Nagamutsu.
Treasurers: Satomi Tsuchimi, Shuji Kanno.
Secretary: Hikichi Iwamoto.

ORANGE COUNTY JAPANESE ASSOCIATION, post-office box 278, Garden Grove, Calif.:
President: Seikichi Aihara.
Vice presidents: Kametsuchi Shioya, Nobuyoshi Gohda.
Treasurers: Takuichi Ohtori, Tomezo Kawamoto.
Auditors: Kameichi Sato, Hitoshi lida.
Agricultural chairman: Kamesuke Shindo.

LONG BEACH JAPANESE ASSOCIATION, post-office box 3026, Station B. Long Beach, Calif.:
President: Kinji Nishi.
Vice presidents: Masashi Ikeda, Kaneji Yamaguchi, Kamekichi Kino.
Treasurers: Nagoshiro Morotaguchi, Liazo Tanamachi.
Auditors: Tazoh Kawanami, Kohji Futamura, Kozaburo Ogata, Toshizo Yasuda.
Japanese American and public relationship chairman: Tempu Arikawa.
Education chairman: Aikichi Osaku.
Business chairman: Toshiji Ikoma.
Agricultural chairman: Tomiji Hirao.
Kendo chairman: Michitoku Eguchi.
Secretary: Yoshiye Kamiye.

SAN GABRIEL JAPANESE ASSOCIATION, 516 Mountain View, post-office box 188, El Monte, Calif.:
President: Takema Kawakami.
Vice presidents: Takeichi Nakajima, Genjiro Hasegawa.
Treasurers: Kyutaro Shimada, Hoichi Kato.
Auditors: Goichi Yamamoto, Fusataro Nakamoto, Mataichi Morikawa, Takechi Furusa, Jinta Okazaki, Shintaro Iwai.
Produce chairman: Kensuke Omoto.
Education chairman: Tomio Okada.
Strawberry chairman: Shogi Makino.
Binding chairman: Kamaike Shigemon.
Entertainment chairman: Taishiro Soyejima.
Recreation (sports) chairman: Sanji Kinoshita.
Councilors: Seichi Kako, Otakichi Sakamoto, Taroji Kaminaka, Katsukichi Munekiyo, Tanzo Riye, Hidehiko Minomi, Chichichi Endo.
Secretary: Hachiro Uno.
Vegetable chairman: Kaichi Muraoka.

EL CENTRO JAPANESE ASSOCIATION, 126 North Fifth, post-office box 780, E Centro, Calif.:
President: Genji Yuzawa.
Vice presidents: Shigeyoshi Omori, Matsunosuke Niisawa.
Treasurer: Otsukichi Miyata.
Auditors: Somatsu Minami, Fusataro Seko.
Secretary: Kamekichi Sasaki.

SAN DIEGO JAPANESE ASSOCIATION, 431 Island Avenue, San Diego, Calif.:
President: Shuntaro Yamashita.
Vice presidents: Naminosuke Date, Takaji Tsumagari.
Treasurers: Aikichi Matooka, Shigeru Masumoto.
Auditors: Tetsuzo Kushino, Sohichi Hosaka, Yoshitaro Yoshimura, Kyutaro Gokuchi.
Secretary: Yojiro Nakadate.

OXNARD JAPANESE ASSOCIATION, 658 Oxnard Boulevard, Oxnard, Calif.:
President: Chotaro Fujita.
Vice presidents: Tsuneichi Yamada, Sho Kawada.
Treasurer: Kumanosuke Inatomi.
Auditors: Tokumatsu Shiozaki, Wakamatsu Takasugi.
Secretary: Shikazo Mano.

LOMPOC JAPANESE ASSOCIATION, post-office box 274, Lompoc, Calif.:
Educational directors: Jitsutaro Tokuyama, Shokichi Iwamoto.
Directors of finance: Kiyotaro Iwamoto, Shinjiro Inouye, Suezo Tagami, Masazo Furuya.
Social chairmen: Kichijiro Meifu, Nobuzo Suzuki.
Directors of relief: Akita Kitagawa, Shiraichi Koyama, Yojiro Oichi,
Secretary: Masao Shimada.

SAN LUIS OBISPO JAPANESE ASSOCIATION, post-office box 609, San Luis Obispo, Calif.
President: Hachiro Mizuzaki.
Vice president: Shuichi Kawaoka.
Treasurers: Kiyotaro Tanaka, Rinzaburo Kurozumi.
Auditors: Eiki Hori, Seizo Urujima.
Advisers: Kamekichi Taku, Tameji Eto.
Secretary: Seijo Onoyama.

VENICE-PALMS JAPANESE ASSOCIATION, 12801 West Jefferson Boulevard, Venice, Calif.:
President: Kantaro Inouye.
Vice presidents: Chotaro Yamauchi, Masuzo Kamifuji.
Treasurers: Tatsuo Nakachi, Hambei Kamibayashi.
Director of agriculture: Shuji Suzuki.
Assistants: Yoshio Tamaoki, Tamotsu Katsuta.
Director of commerce: Nobuyuki Moriguchi.
Assistants: Hitoshi Hayashi, Yasumasa Enomoto.
Adviser: Sugizo Fujioka.
Secretary: Matsuzo Sakaguchi.

SEINAN KYOGIKAI (Southwest Discussion Club), 2093 West Twenty-eighth Street, Los Angeles, Calif.:
President: Koh Iseri.
Vice presidents: Yutaka Suzuki, Tatsujiro Adachi, Tosuke Taniguchi.
Treasurers: Naomi Watanabe, Tadashi Hayashi.
Auditors: Yoshisuke Yamamoto, Kenjiro Nozawa, Kakichi Nakamura,
Kumaji Nakatsuhawa.
Special treasurers: Tetsuzo Narahara, Kiyotaro Sakaguchi, Hyichi Kamayatsu, Daizo Tajiri.
Advisers: Tatsuzo Furukawa, Tokujiro Takata, Kotaro Sakakura, Takinosuke Shirai, Shigekichi Hirami, Eichi Domoto.

GREATER JAPAN AGRICULTURAL ASSOCIATION, North American Branch, route 1, box 38, Gardena, Calif.:
President: Tsuneshi Kayano.
Vice presidents: Toyosaku Komai, Sei Fujii.
Managing director: Kizo Takeguchi.
Directors: Yayuemon Minami, Masajiro Kai, Kamezo Asano, Shunten Kumamoto, Eizo Maruyama, Zenjiro Kitazaki, Shintaro Nakamura, Umazaburo Matsuda.
Adviser: Ryosaku Matsuoka.

SOUTHERN CALIFORNIA CHILDREN'S HOME (Naka Shonien), 1841 Redcliff Street, Los Angeles, Calif.:
Board of directors:
Honorary chairman: Mrs. Shintaro Fukushima (wife of consul, 1940).
Managing director: Tetsuya Ishimaru.
Assistant: Shizuko Ando.
Secretary: Yuriko lida.
Treasurer: Setsuko Bessho.
Superintendent: Rokuichi Kusumoto.
Board of directors: Hitoshi Fukui, Nobuji Kawai, Katsu Tayama, Kazuko Suzuki.

LOS ANGELES JAPANESE AMERICAN CITIZENS' LEAGUE (Rafu Shimin Kyokai), 124 South San Pedro Street, Los Angeles, Calif.:
President: Eiji Tanabe.
Vice presidents: Fred Tayama, Sumi Kashiwagi, George Morey (Mori).
Recording secretary: Ruth Yamazaki.
Corresponding secretary: Shizuko Narahara.
Treasurer: Ichiro Fukunaga.
Auditor: George Ono.
Members at large:
Downtown: Tomi Abe.
Ninth market: Tadaichi Igasaki.
Seventh market: Jimmy Ito.
Flower market: Tom Imai.
Kibei division: 124 South San Pedro Street, Los Angeles, Calif.:
President: Kiyoshi Hori.
Vice president: Chiyo Osuga.
Recording secretary: Kikuyo Sugano.
Corresponding secretary: Yuriye Oshima.
Treasurer: Tsue Nozawa.
Board of trustees: Nobuo Hirozawa, Itsuji Yasumoto, Hiroshi Takemoto, Hideo Tsuchiya, Kongo Tasugi.

SOUTHERN CALIFORNIA COOPERATIVE ASSOCIATION (or United) (Nanka Kyoritsu Kaikan), 506 North Evergreen Avenue, Los Angeles, Calif.:
Dr. Moore, Dr. Gerard, Kinji Kikuchi, Mrs. Yokogawa, Atsushi Tsumura, Rev. Horikoshi, Reverend Koda, Koh Mizushima, Chikashi Tanaka.



One organization which has exerted a great deal of influence over American-born Japanese is the Japanese American Citizens' League, which was created for the purpose of promoting the welfare and general citizenship of American-born Japanese. This organization, with a membership of 25,650, has become increasingly active in the Japanese community within the past 5 or 6 years.

The national headquarters of the organization are located in San Francisco, and the national officers are: President, Saburo Kido; vice president. Ken Matsumoto; secretary and field representative, Mike M. Masaoka; treasurer, Hito Okada.

Saburo Kido is an attorney at law, residing at 1623 Webster Street, San Francisco.

Ken Matsumoto was, in 1940, assistant director of promotion of the Southern California Chamber of Commerce and Industry (Japanese).

From time to time various members of the organization have made contacts with the committee and tendered their services in behalf of Americanism. However, despite the expressed willingness of the organization to cooperate with the committee, no factual information has ever been received from the organization concerning Japanese fifth column activities in the United States, and, in fact, it has been apparent on several occasions that efforts were made to avoid bringing into better view any such activities.

And, too, it is a fact that the Japanese American Citizens' League was greatly responsible for the defeat of the anti-alien fishing legislation which was proposed again in the 1939 California Legislature -- a bill which was designed to be a remedial step toward curbing espionage activities of Japanese fishermen -- and that through this organization, large sums of money have been collected from Japanese residing in the United States, to be used for the purpose of resisting any proposed legislation which might disadvantageously affect Japanese, alien and American citizen alike.

It is interesting to note that Walter Tsukamoto, past national president of the Japanese American Citizens' League, a Sacramento attorney and a United States Army Reserve officer, received an award from the Japanese Young People's Society, of Chicago, Ill., as the "Nisei of the year" (1939), for his successful endeavors against the passage of the anti-alien fishing bill. Thus American-born Japanese strongly opposed and worked to defeat a bill the fundamental feature of which was to insure a more adequate national defense.

The Japanese American Citizens' League has been approached on numerous occasions in the past by patriotic organizations in the United States, notably the American Legion, to assist in uncovering Japanese fifth column activities, but nothing has ever been accomplished in this regard.

The organizational set-up of the Japanese American Citizens' League is divided into two groups: (1) the Nisei (American-born Japanese, reared and educated in the United States) and (2) the Kibei (American-born Japanese who have been sent to Japan to receive their education, either in whole or in part).

The organizational set-up of the Los Angeles Chapter of the Japanese American Citizens' League, located at 124 South San Pedro Street, as of 1940, was as follows:

Nisei division:
President: Eiji Tanabe.
Vice presidents: Fred Tayama, Sumi Kashiwagi, George Mori.
Recording secretary: Ruth Yamazaki.
Corresponding secretary: Shizuko Narahara.
Treasurer: Ichiro Fukunaga.
Auditor: George Ono.
Members at large:
Downtown section: Tomi Abe.
Ninth and Market Streets district: Tadaichi Igasaki.
Seventh and Market Streets district: Jimmie Ito.
Flower and Market Streets district: Tom Imai.
Kibei section: Kioshi Hori.
Kibei division:
President: Kioshi Hori.
Vice president: Chiyo Osuga.
Recording secretary: Kikuyo Sujano.
Corresponding secretary: Yuriye Oshima.
Treasurer: Tsue Nozawa.
Board of trustees: Nobuo Hirozawa, Itsuji Yasumoto, Hiroshi Takemoto, Hideo Tsuchiya, Kongo Tasugi.

In the following year, 1941, the league's president, Eiji Tanabe, was made executive secretary of the Central Japanese Association, succeeding Shiro Fujioka (author of history and report on Central Japanese Association), who retired voluntarily from this office when the committee announced, through the press, that it intended to make a sweeping investigation into Japanese fifth-column activities in the United States. It must be said, however, that the duties, privileges, and responsibilities of that office were still vested in Shiro Fujioka and that Eiji Tanabe was merely the nominal executive secretary of the association.

The committee has been reliably informed that in all important municipal, county, State, and national elections, the Japanese American Citizens' League issues directions and instructions as to how its members should vote, and in practically every such instance, the candidate who receives the support of the League is one who is sympathetic toward the Japanese and their ambitions. In 1936, the Central Japanese Association, which, as has been pointed out, is purely a Japanese governmental agency, distributed a printed sheet (see Appendix for a facsimile of the sheet) containing the names of all incumbent members of the California State Legislature and other State officials who were up for reelection and indicating by symbolic key the particular incumbent candidates who supported or opposed anti-Japanese legislation in the past, intending thereby to influence the votes of the members of the Japanese American Citizens' League.

Investigation has revealed that on the evening of December 7, 1941, prior to the arrest of the leaders of the Central Japanese Association, the officers of the Central Japanese Association and of the Japanese American Citizens' League held a joint meeting.



Many Japanese living in the United States have served in the Japanese Army and Navy. The Japanese-American News (Japanese language newspaper), in San Francisco, estimated that in August 1941 they numbered 8,000.

Japanese veterans are organized into five major organizations:

(1) Japanese Imperial Military Veterans' Association;
(2) Heimushakai of America;
(3) Japanese Military Virtue Society;
(4) Japanese Navy League;
(5) Japanese Togo Society.

Japanese Imperial Military Veterans' Association. -- The headquarters of the Japanese Imperial Military Veterans' Association in southern California were located at 129½ East First Street, Los Angeles, next door to the offices of the NYK (Japanese) Steamship Line. The membership of the association is composed of ex-service men from the Japanese imperial forces, and its purpose is to perpetuate the Japanese military traditions. Since the majority of the members of the association are alien-born Japanese and not eligible for American citizenship, they are still citizens of Japan and therefore still subject to the orders of the Japanese military high command. Its counterpart in the Nazi spy network is the Kyffhauserbund, which the committee exposed during 1940-41 as being an organization of German ex-service men. The commandant of the southern California branch of the Japanese Imperial Military Veterans' Association was Dr. Rikita Honda. On December 7, 1941, Dr. Honda was apprehended by the Federal Bureau of Investigation as a dangerous enemy alien. Shortly thereafter, and while still in custody. Dr. Honda took his own life. In the 1940 Directory of Japanese in southern California, compiled by the Rafu Shimpo (Los Angeles Japanese Daily News), the following information appears, in Japanese, at the top of page 122, concerning the organizational set-up of the Japanese Imperial Military Veterans' Association:

Chugi Furukawa, Shonan Kimura, 1011½ Glendale Boulevard, Los Angeles, and 121 San Pedro Street, Los Angeles.
Hiroshi Suzuki, 3549 Gleason Avenue, Los Angeles.
President: Dr. Rikita Honda (Deceased.), 129½ East First Street, Los Angeles, and 16407 South Western Avenue, Moneta.
Vice presidents:
Momota Olvura, 829 East Anaheim Street, Wilmington.
Haruyuki Nagamine, 1921 Redcliff Street, Los Angeles.
Sadamatsu Tanaka, 7285 Santa Monica Boulevard, Los Angeles.
Procurator: Naoshi Nakamura ,113 West Second Street, Los Angeles.
Vice procurator: Sukichi Tabata, 540 Stanford Street, Los Angeles.
Treasurer: Yoshinori Sugita.
Vice treasurer: Choichiro Shirakawa, 849 Wall Street, Los Angeles.
Corresponding and recording secretary: Sukichi Tabata, 540 Stanford Street, Los Angeles.
Personal affairs secretary: Kanzo Miyake.
Directors of head office:
Sakutaro Kubota, 966 South San Pedro Street, Los Angeles.
Tetsuzo Sawatake.
Kametaro Iwata, 419½ South Los Angeles Street, Los Angeles.
Futaro Hiraiwa.
Head of first division, downtown: Takichi Kato, 204½ East First Street, Los Angeles.
Head of Boyle Heights Division: Kichigoro Yoshimura, 1064 Camulos, Los Angeles.
Head of third division: Tamasaburo Yamauchi, 1438 Cole Place, Los Angeles.
Head of fourth division, uptown: Rizaemon Nishida, 2835 West Eleventh Street, Los Angeles.
Head of fifth division, Pasadena: Ukichi Ogura, 299 South Pasadena Avenue, Pasadena.
Head of sixth division, West Los Angeles: Umekichi Takagi, 1926 Beloit Avenue, Sawtelle.
Head of seventh division, Gardena: Shunichi Kijima, route 2, Box 89, Gardena.
Head of eighth division, San Pedro: Kuichi Izumi, 187 Terminal Way, Terminal Island.
Head of ninth division, Huntington Beach: Kamenosuke Aoki, Route 1, Box 100, Huntington Beach.
Head of tenth division, Long Beach: Yoshiji Nimura, Route 1, Box 545, Long Beach.

(Note. -- No addresses of individuals are given in the notice. These have been ascertained wherever possible and added.)

The Heimushakai of America. -- The Heimushakai of America, which may be translated into English to mean the Japanese Military Duty League, is operated in conjunction with the Japanese Imperial Military Veterans' Association and the Japanese Military Virtue Society. The national headquarters of the Heimushakai of America were located at 1707 Buchanan Street, San Francisco, Calif., and its national commander was Masao Nonaka. The Los Angeles headquarters were located at 966 South San Pedro Street, and Frank Kubota was the commander.

In August 1941, after it had been announced in the press that subversive Japanese organizations were being investigated by the committee, the Heimushakai of America issued a statement that its branches in the United States had been disbanded, which was contrary to fact. It will be recalled that the Kyffhauserbund followed the identical pattern. As soon as the committee had announced that a thorough investigation would be made of its activities, the Kyffhauserbund, through its national officers, stated that it would disband. With reference to the disbanding of the Heimushakai of America, the following article is quoted from the August issue of the Japanese-American News (Japanese-language newspaper) in San Francisco:

During the 5 years since the outbreak of the China incident, having collected some 850,000 yen for the aid of the soldiers and a tremendous number of bundles as a public service, the Heimushakai announced that because of the American freezing policy against Japan, it would no longer be possible to transmit relief funds; therefore, and with this as a basis for an executive meeting, at 1 o'clock on the 31st in the Buddhist Hall, some 300 representatives met and as a result of a serious discussion announced: "The Heimushakai of America, reflecting upon American freezing of Japanese assets and other matters, has decided to disband. Unfinished business in the future will be attended to by the central committee composed of five men: Yonemoto, Inouye, Sakemaki, Fujimoto, and Nonaka." At one time since its formation, the association numbered 8,000 members, which is a tribute to Japanese spirit for public service, and upon present dissolution, there remains frozen $2,300 to be remitted for which a license is being sought, which is one of the duties of the committee. Branches elsewhere in similar fashion to the main headquarters should appoint a committee to handle uncompleted business before disbanding. The association and its members, after disbanding, should do everything possible in the interest of Japanese-American friendship and be good citizens, obeying the American law. In conclusion, thanks is given to the Japanese-American and New World Sun newspapers and their staff for which a banquet was tendered at the Sakura Inn and thereafter, in the same hall, a motion picture entitled "Flaming Skies" was shown to the representatives.

With regard to the international scope of the Japanese war veterans and their cooperation with the war veterans of the other Axis nations, such as the Kyffhauserbund, the following announcement was made in a Domei News dispatch on March 20, 1941:

It is announced that war veterans' associations in Japan, Germany, and Italy, in keeping with the spirit of the Axis treaty, will form joint and advisory committees to aid in establishing the new world order. There are three and a half million veterans and reservists in Japan, headed by General Imei, who have pledged their cooperation to Axis aims.

In line with the policy of the Central Japanese Association, Japanese military associations, also, have been carrying on money-raising campaigns for Japan's war chest. On July 6, 1941, the Japanese-American News in San Francisco carried the following news item:

The Japanese Heimushakai of America, in the sixty-sixth meeting reported collection of $5,968.60 making a total of 829,440.34 yen collected and transmitted to Japan for military service use from the organizations: Chico, $32.50; Monterey $100; Tulare County Red Heart Society, $73.50; Thornton, $5.50; Richmond $44; Sonoma County, $53.50; Eden Jugo Koseikai, $105.50; Marin County, $26.25 Lodi Kynzaikai, $195; Mount View Seishin Kai, $142.25; Alvarado, $69.25 San Benito County, $78.35; Contra Costa County, $91.50; Watsonville Hoshikai $87.75; Santa Cruz, $13; Redwood City, $34; Vacaville, $82; San Mateo, $115 Bingham, $56; Berkeley, $176.75; Oakland, $287; Eiki Nagada, $5; San Francisco $401.50; Ryozo Fiyita, $5; Hosei School Parents Association, $3; Pescadero, $18 Salinas Japanese Association, $237.25; State of Nevada, $93.50; Ogden, $74.25 Honeyville, $40.50; Rock Springs, $31.75; Idaho Falls, $23; Corin County, $18.50 Kersey Valley, $8; Davis County, $79.75; Shuji Nakanishi, $10; Chico, $23.50 Thornton, $5.50; Yamato Colony, $40; Pescadero, $21.50; Salt Lake City, $99 Murray, $27.50; South Utah, $51.

Japanese Military Virtue Society. -- This society is an adjunct to and considered a part of the Japanese Imperial Military Veterans' Association. The Japanese Military Virtue Society had its North American headquarters in Alvarado, Calif., and regional headquarters at the following places:

Southern California area. -- 230 Terminal Way, Terminal Island, Calif. (It is significant that the organization has its southern California headquarters on Terminal Island, which is in the center of Los Angeles Harbor and the focal point of defense industries located in Los Angeles. In addition to this fact, approximately 3,000 Japanese live on the island.)
Sacramento area. -- 1300 Fourth Street, Sacramento, Calif.
Fresno area. -- 832 F Street, Fresno, Calif.
Northwestern area. -- 503 Main Street, Seattle, Wash.

In addition to the various headquarters cited above, the society has branches throughout the State of California.

The purpose of the society is to carry on a propaganda campaign among the Nisei in the interest of Japan. The society recruits Nisei through various types of athletic contests, such as sumo, kendo, judo, jujitsu, and other outdoor activities.

As an indication of the close integration of the Japanese Military Virtue Society with other Japanese organizations, the following items are quoted from the 1938 Japanese Directory for the San Francisco area:

Headquarters, Military Virtue Society of North America, post office box 215.
Kinyu Kumiai, post office box 215.
Japanese-American News correspondent, post office box 215.
New World Sun correspondent, post office box 215.
Hochi Shimbun correspondent, post office box 215.
Alvarado Japanese school, post office box 215.
Tokichi Nakamura (president), post office box 215.
Military Virtue Society of North America, post office box 57.
Japanese school, post office box 57.
Y. M. B. A., post office box 57.
Y. W. B. A., post office box 57.
Buddhist Church, post office box 57.
Military Virtue Society of North America, 157 Mount Vernon Avenue.
Japanese school, 157 Mount Vernon Avenue.
Lindsay Women's Association, 157 Mount Vernon Avenue.
Sonoma County Branch, Military Virtue Society of North America, post office box 57.
Japanese Sunday School, post office box 57.
Hiroshima Prefectural Society, post office box 57.
Sakura Baseball Team, post office box 57.
Military Virtue Society of North America, post office box 252.
Mint Grill (Ikenaga Restaurant), post office box 252.
Fishing Club, post office box 252.

In August 1936, the following information appeared in the Japanese press:

Imperial Japanese naval training squadron arrives San Francisco, command, Admiral Zengo Yoshida (later Naval Minister, Abe cabinet). Ships boarded Seattle, Minoru Iino, staff consul general in San Francisco. Traveled with ships, arranged all itineraries and entertainment for cadets. Two ships, Yakumo and Iwate served Russo-Japanese War. Arranged teams for wrestling cadet teams and Military Virtue Society teams.

On March 11, 1938, the following item appeared:

Sacramento: The Sacramento area league of the Military Virtue Society of North America will hold their spring fencing meet at the Sacramento Young Buddhists' Hall on March 13. Chairman: Jiro Okada. Welcome speeches: Ryokutaro Sato, president. Japanese Association, Sacramento; Matsunosuke Tsukamoto, president. Military Virtue Society of North America. (Tsukamoto, past president Japanese Association, San Francisco, owner: People's laundry, San Francisco.)

And on or about July 20, 1938, the following item appeared:

The Southern California branch of the Military Virtue Society of Japan will, on July 20, beginning at noon, in the Koyasan Hall, Los Angeles, hold its yearly Military Virtue festival and military (fencing) exercises with groups from places as follows competing: Brawley, El Centro, Central School, Los Angeles, Up Town, Zenshu (religious). Keystone, Gamita, Redondo Beach, Rhone (?) Baldwin, Hawthorne, El Monte, San Bernardino, Riverside, Coachela, Pasadena, Sawtelle, Santa Monica, Alpine, Huntington Beach, Oceanside, San Diego, and Chula Vista -- in all numbering 24 groups. A heated contest is anticipated.

Following in the footsteps of other Japanese organizations, the Japanese Military Virtue Society has also carried on a fund-raising campaign for the benefit of the Japanese Government. On July 27, 1941, the Japanese-American News reported:

The Dominguez Hills Hokokukai (patriotic association) contributed $36 to the military attaché at the Imperial Embassy in Washington.

On the same date, Hikotaro Taguchi contributed $20 to the military attaché at the Imperial Embassy in Washington, and 50 yen to the naval attaché at the Imperial Embassy in Washington.

And on the same date, Niland Produce Association contributed $35 to the military attaché of the Imperial Embassy in Washington.

Also, in this connection, it is interesting to note that on March 6, 1938, Gihei Yoshida, 1701 Laguna Street, San Francisco, sent 400 pounds of tinfoil to Japan. This made a record total of 2,800 pounds of tinfoil which Yoshida had collected, according to the consul general's office.

Also, in connection with the sending of funds to Japan, by various Japanese organizations and individuals, is the contribution by the Chula Vista Melon Growers Association. The following is quoted from the Japanese-American News of March 6, 1938:

The Chula Vista Melon Growers Association and the Celery Growers Association received through the imperial consulate the following letter thanking them for contributions made to army service funds:

Referring to the recent incident and the service funds and packages contributed for the expeditionary forces, I am grateful and hereby express my most sincere thanks.
"(Signed) Gen. Sugiyama, Minister of War."
Dated December 19, 1937.

Japanese Navy League. -- A part of the Nipponese government's military and naval organization in the United States is the Japanese Navy League (or association). Its Los Angeles headquarters were at 117 Weller Street, which was the home of Dr. and Mrs. Takashi Furuzawa. The Japanese Navy League has as its purpose the perpetuation of Japanese naval traditions among Japanese naval men in the United States, many of whom, as has been revealed, are working in the capacity of fishermen in the Japanese fishing fleet which has carried on its principal operations at Terminal Island, in the Los Angeles Harbor.

According to information received by the committee, Mrs. Takashi (Koko) Furuzawa made a trip to Japan 3 or 4 years ago and was received by Japanese naval officials and presented with a medal as a token of appreciation by the Japanese Government for her efforts in behalf of the Japanese Navy League and the Women's Patriotic Society, which is an adjunct of the navy league and which entertains all Japanese naval men when their ships come into the Los Angeles Harbor. The Women's Patriotic Society in Los Angeles uses the Buddhist Temples, where meals and various kinds of entertainment have been provided to the Japanese sailors on their visits. Mrs. Furuzawa is known, in Japanese circles, as the angel of the Japanese Navy, and is very active in this work. Whenever a Japanese naval vessel docked in the Los Angeles harbor, it was her custom to go down to the vessel, accompanied by a number of Japanese women, to welcome the sailors to Los Angeles.

Mrs. Furuzawa's connections are interesting.

She is vice president of the Los Angeles branch of the Women's Patriotic Society of Japan, which is located at 7425 Franklin Avenue. This is the official residence of the Japanese Consul.

She is the head of the Southern California Federation of Women's Societies, the offices of which are located at 117 North San Pedro Street, Los Angeles.

She is president of the Koyasan Buddhist Temple Women's Society, and adviser to her ken organization, which is called the Ehime Prefecture.

And she has long been suspected of being a Japanese Navy spy and the medium through which various messages were sent to the Japanese Government.

It was reported to the committee that in 1935 a Japanese, named Tarri, was involved in an automobile accident near Gardena, Calif., which caused his death, and among his effects was a notebook setting forth information to the effect that local Japanese who were spying for the Japanese Navy sent their information to 117½ Weller Street, where, in turn, it was picked up by Japanese naval officers on tankers when they put into the Los Angeles Harbor and thence transmitted to the Japanese Navy in Tokyo.

Japanese Togo Society. -- This Society is considered to be a part of the Japanese Navy League. Like other Japanese military and naval societies, it has its headquarters in Japan and maintains branches throughout the United States. It is named for and dedicated to the memory of Admiral Togo, and August 10, in each year, is appropriately observed in commemoration of the Battle of the Japanese Sea in the Russo-Japanese War.

The San Francisco branch of the Togo Society was located at 1860 Bush Street, and the Sacramento branch, at 1309½ Fourth Street, which was also the Sacramento address of the Central Japanese Association and the Sacramento Produce Association.

* * * * * * *

Investigation has revealed that a number of Nisei (first generation American-born Japanese) have returned to Japan at the insistence of these Japanese military and naval organizations to serve in the Japanese Army.

In the Japanese magazine Japan-to-America (Japan and America) edited in the United States but printed in Japan and sent to the United States for distribution, in the issue of January 1941, is an article stating:

In view of the latest Japanese-American relations and in anticipation of the enactment of the peacetime conscription law in America, many Japanese parents, fearing their sons' pointing guns against their parents' country, have sent their sons back to Japan, where available manpower is sorely needed.

Rishin Nakamura, second son of Nazaemon Nakamura, of San Francisco, Calif., was made a sub-lieutenant in the Japanese Army Medical Corps after graduating from the Showa Medical School in Tokyo. Donald Seichi Murata went to the army in January 1941. He is a graduate of Waseda University in Tokyo and was a radio announcer in the international department of the Japanese Broadcasting Society of Tokyo. He is the third son of Ryuichi Murata, principal of the Manao Japanese Language School in Honolulu, Hawaii.

In Los Angeles several months ago some Nisei applied for United States passports so that they could return to Japan. They stated they had been called up to serve in the Japanese Army. When they were informed that American passports were no longer issued for travel to Japan, they remarked that they were going to Japan, passport or no passport, and were going to serve in the Japanese Army even if it meant the loss of their American citizenship. These are probably not the only instances of such feelings on the part of the Nisei in the United States.



In order to understand the Japanese and their community life in the United States, one must understand their basic psychology and their absolute reverence for Japan.

In this regard it will be necessary to explain the Japanese theory of racial divinity and its effect; how through so-called religious worship, the Japanese wherever resident in the world, or governed by whatever political system, are forever loyal to their Emperor.

At an early age Japanese children are indoctrinated with two theories of racial superiority: (1) That they are direct descendants of gods, and (2) that all humanity stemmed from Japan. According to Dr. Chiyomatsu Ishikawa, professor of zoology at Tokyo Imperial University, Japan was the scene of mankind's initial appearance on this earth. Dr. Ishikawa has stated that all human life had its first beginning some tens of millions of years ago on a sea beach in Japan. This scene is supposed to have unfolded somewhere at the extreme southern part of Kyushu. From here all mankind stemmed upward and branched outward, carrying out migrations by land and by sea through America, the South Sea Islands, Asia, Africa, and Europe, with the Pacific as a center. Thus Japan claims dominance over mankind by reason of priority on the earth.

Japanese legends, ostensibly supported by ancient records, relate that once there were in Takamagahara (Plain of High Heaven) three gods of Ameno-Minakanushi-no-Kami, two of which were male and one female, who undertook the creation of everything under the sun. The gods, Takamusubi-no-Kami and Kamimusubi-no-Kami, represented through the Taka of the male deity, the positive and negative, corresponding to the positive and negative electrons, which are the essential components common to all substances. From these two sprang Ameratsu-Omikami, the Sun Goddess or Mother, who is familiar to all students of Shintoism.

The Sun Goddess dispatched her grandson, Ninigi-no-mikoto, to rule over all of the earth. On his departure she presented him with the "Three Sacred Treasures" as symbols of the divinity of Japanese rule. These were the mirror, sword, and jewels, which are displayed in facsimile in every Shinto Temple.

The Sun Goddess also presented her departing grandson with an edict: "Toyoashihara-no-mizuho-no-kuni (land of the rice ears) is the land which shall be ruled by my descendants. Therefore, go and rule. The Imperial throne and rule wilt thou establish in that land; thou shalt last forever and prosper and be as enduring as heaven and earth." The grandson descended to earth in the region of Nara, Japan.

According to the foregoing myth, Japan is the country that was founded by Mother, and all other countries by Father. Mother is devotedly concerned about all of her descendants, and has, therefore, primary concern regarding things eternal (meaning, of course, the Yamato race). On the other hand, father thinks only of the present and his outlook is necessarily restricted to desires for immediate gain and advantage (meaning every other nation).

But Mother is always solicitous, ever keeping the line of her descendants unbroken, and envisages a better world for her scions. Not only does Mother think of these things, she also actually endeavors to realize them.

Japan is a country that was founded by Mother and a country that deifies Mother and follows her teachings. As the Japanese Emperor is a direct descendant of the first Emperor, Jimmu, who was only five generations removed from the Sun Goddess herself, the Emperor is the living, the divine representative of Mother. As the entire Japanese race have descended from the original gods, all are supposed to be gods.

Finding it impossible to associate with foreign nations on an equal footing if they should stand on their traditional ideas of godhood, and in order to progress to their manifest destiny in the comity of nations, the Japanese Nation enacted laws and regulations based on right and duty. It is only due to these circumstances that appreciation of right and duty is at all respected in Japan. The sacred edicts of the Sun Goddess are deeply engrained and firmly rooted in Japanese minds. Even those who have received modern education are obsessed with ideas of right and duty as stressed by law, but the traditional legacy of the Mother is ever first in their consciousness.

To all Japanese, loyalty and filial piety are identical. The state and home are synonymous. A son or daughter who is dutiful toward his or her parents cannot but be loyal to the Emperor and if they should be loyal to the Emperor they are also loyal to their parents. Love of country (Kunikara) is the same as (Harakara), love of relations. It should be clear that no Japanese can ever be loyal to any other nation than Japan so long as the Japanese indoctrinate their children with the pantheistic teachings of Shintoism.

It is hard for Nisei (Japanese-American citizens) to become Americanized so long as Shintoism flourishes in the United States under the guise of religion. Neither can they remain loyal so long as the Ken organizations grow and flourish, spreading their doctrine of loyalty to their so-called relations in Japan, for to be related means to be a brother or sister, and through being a brother or sister the sway of the Emperor is established. As long as the Nisei are indoctrinated with the belief that they are gods and better than other Americans, they cannot become thoroughly Americanized.

A description of the ken or prefectural organizations, of which there are about 57 in or about Los Angeles, is as follows: Each resident family, that is, a family resident here, is a member of a ken organization in Japan of like name. For instance, the Kumamoto ken is located in the southern part of the island of Kyushu. The people resident in the Kumamoto ken in Kyushu have, according to Japanese tradition and legend, been always residents of that particular ken. If Japanese families migrated from the Kumamoto ken in Japan and settled, for example, in Los Angeles, they still remain members of the Japanese ken by reason of their origin, and their children, American born, are also considered as members of the ken by virtue of their parents' origin or birth in the Kumamoto ken.

The ken organizations are maintained here for the dissemination of Japanese culture among the Issei, non-citizen Japanese, and their children or Nisei, American-born Japanese. They are also maintained for the purpose of collecting funds for the maintenance of the parent ken organization and its people in Japan. This money is acquired by means of a "squeeze," or in other words, each American Japanese resident is expected by reason of his membership in the ken to contribute a certain amount of his income. This is collected by local officials of the ken organization, usually men, then taken to the organization, and then forwarded through the Japanese consulate to Japan. If an Issei family here, for any reason, should try to evade this tithe or tax, pressure is then brought on relatives living in Japan to force the payment.

The names and addresses of the various ken organizations in Los Angeles are as follows:

Aichi, Kenjin Kai, 256 East First Street.
Chiba, Kenjin Kai, 316 South Saratoga Street.
Ehime, Kenjin Kai, 117½ Weller Street.
Fukui, Kenjin Kai, 123 South Hewitt Street.
Fukushima, Kenjin Kai, 367 East First Street.
Fukushima, Kenjin Kai, 233½ East First Street.
Gifu, Ken Kaigai Kyo Kai, 319 East First Street.
Gun Ma Kenjin Kai, 114 North San Pedro Street.
Itochima, Kenjin Kai, 117 North San Pedro Street.
Kagawa, Kenjin Kai, 130 Rose Street.
Horishima, Kenjin Kai, 114 North San Pedro Street.
Ibaragi, Kenjin Kai, 547 San Julian Street.
Kanagawa, Kenjin Kai, 801 East First Street.
Kumamoto, Kaigai Kyo Kai, 355 East First Street.
Kumano, Aiyu Kai, 211 East First Street.
Kyoto Fu, Jin Kai, 233½ East First Street.
Miyagi, Ken Jin Kai, 244½ East First Street.
Miye Ken Kaigai Kyo Kai, 128 North San Pedro Street.
Nagano, Ken Jin Kai, 250 East First Street.
Nagasaki, Ken Jin Kai, 749 East Twentieth Street.
Nanka, Bocho Kaigai, 326 East First Street.
Nanka, Buzen Jin Doshikai, 513 East First Street.
Nanka, Fukuoka Ken Jin Kai, 309 Jackson Street.
Nanka, Ishikawa Ken Jin Kai, 617 East Fifth Street.
Nanka, Ken Jin Kai, 3480 East Fourth Street.
Nanka, Iwate Ken Jin Kai, 3480 East Fourth Street.
Nanka, Kagoshima Ken Jin Kai, 226½ East First Street.
Nanka, Kochi Ken Jin Kai, 1269 West Thirty-sixth Street.
Nanka, Nara Ken Jin Kai, 205 South San Pedro Street.
Nankai, Okawa Ken Jin Kai, 1021 Towne Avenue.
Nankai, Okayama Kaigai Kyokai, 367 East First Street.
Nanka, Shizuoka Kaigai Kyo Kai, 367 East First Street.
Nanka, Toyama Ken Jin Kai, 2508 East First Street.
Nanka, Wakayama Ken Jin Kai, 251 East First Street.
Nanka, Yamanashi Kaigai Kyokai, 104 North Los Angeles Street.
Niigata, Ken Jin Kai, 4907 Maplewood Avenue.
Oita, Ken Jin Kai, 201 East First Street.
Okinawa, Ken Jin Kai, 744 Wall Street.
Saga, Ken Jin Kai, 336½ East First Street.
Shiga, Ken Jin Kai, 113½ East First Street.
Shimane, Ken Jin Kai, 2115 East Third Street.
Shinano, Kaigai Kyo Kai, 250 East First Street.
Seattle, Kai, 218 North Fremont Avenue.
Tokyo, Jin Kai, 304 East Second Street.
Tottori, Ken Jin Kai, 221 Jackson Street.
Yamagata, 116 North San Pedro Street.
Yamaguchi, Ken Jin Kai, 355 East First Street.

Kens are the integral basis of the Japanese organizational set-up and have a profound influence on the pro-Japanese attitude of the Japanese residing in the United States.

With regard to the sociological problem regarding the people of the Japanese race residing in this country, it has been brought to the attention of the committee that there are about four distinct classifications of these people residing in the United States. The picture in general is as follows:

At the age of 21, all American-born Japanese are brought before the Japanese consul within the area in which they reside and are given the opportunity to state whether they wish to be loyal to America or to Japan. Attention is here called to the attitude taken by the Japanese Government concerning members of Japanese nationality regardless of their status as citizens or aliens in any other country. Japan takes the position that these people are Japanese, no matter where they may reside or where they were born, and in this way retains a strong hold upon them. With the aid of the various Japanese organizations which are to be found in all Japanese communities, such as the Kens, the Japanese language schools, and the Central Japanese Association, as well as so-called cultural associations, the consular agents are enabled to maintain close contact with the members of these communities. The various classifications into which Japanese members of these communities may be divided are as follows:

(1) Nisei:
First generation American-born Japanese, and therefore citizens of this country.
(2) Kibei:
American-born Japanese who are sent back to Japan to be educated, by their parents in this country, and naturally are thoroughly indoctrinated with a definite pro-Japanese viewpoint on all controversial issues between this country and Japan, and in this regard it appears that these Kibei are the ones that the consular officials from Japan are mainly interested in for the purpose of maintaining close contact with them.
(3) Issei:
Alien Japanese who reside in this country, and for the most part are the parents of the Nisei and Kibei and naturally assert a rather strong influence upon the thoughts of the younger generations.
(4) Sansei:
Second generation American-born Japanese. For the most part it appears that they are thoroughly Americanized and are loyal American citizens. However, the various Japanese groups and organizations have been and are trying to inculcate into them a true love for Japan and all things Japanese, but seem to have a much more difficult time in this endeavor among the Sansei Japanese than others.

The committee has been informed that the Kibei, after returning to this country, are instrumental, through the various Shinto organizations, in further spreading the Japanese viewpoint on all vital questions. Funds have also been collected by these various organizations for war purposes in Japan. There are a number of Kibei in this country whose parents have returned to Japan and whom the Kibei, through custom, are forced to support, as well as being asked to support much of the Japanese war efforts.

In the past few years, and especially since the outbreak of the war between China and Japan, a wave of nationalism from Japan has swept the various alien Japanese in America and also had its effect on the second generation Japanese as well.

Those born in this country were told that, due to racial discrimination, America does not offer opportunities but that Japan would welcome them with unlimited fields of activity.

Thousands of American-born Japanese, Nisei, were encouraged to return to Japan. Prominent ones were given jobs in Japanese Government agencies, such as the International Cultural Society (which had a large office in the Rockefeller Building in New York City). The office in Los Angeles was in charge of Katsuma Mukaeda until his recent apprehension by the Federal Bureau of Investigation.

It was once reported in a Tokyo newspaper that Nisei studying in Japan are taught in a spirit suggesting that on their return to the United States they should lead a national-determination movement of Japanese in the United States.



For several years prior to the Japanese attack on Pearl Harbor, Japanese publications circulating among the Japanese residing in the United States have been saturated with pro-Axis propaganda. The committee has in its possession a large quantity of these Japanese publications. Some of the pro-Axis propaganda taken from them is reproduced in the exhibits which follow. These exhibits are numbered 111 to 121, inclusive.

Exhibits Nos. 122 to 124 show the well-stocked and attractively filled shelves of a Japanese book store in Los Angeles.


Premier Konoye and Chairman Marquis Giacomo Paulucci (Tokyo, March 1938).
Photo by Tomekichi Omuku, Domei Tsushin Sha.

March 1938 - Japan Welcomes Italian Fascist Goodwill Mission

The Italian Fascist Goodwill Mission of eighteen members, headed by Marquis Giacomo Paulucci di Calboli Barone, arrived at Tokyo Station by the Fuji Express at 3:35 p.m., March 19, 1938, and was accorded an enthusiastic welcome by the Japanese people.

Italy and Japan are firmly united under the banner of anti-Comintern front, and the two nations have been brought into even closer cooperation and friendship by the visit of the Fascist Goodwill Mission.

On the day of the Mission's arrival, the platform of Tokyo Station was decorated with the flags of Japan and Italy, which were also displayed throughout the whole city to express the hearty welcome of the people to the visitors.

On reaching Tokyo the members of the Mission immediately proceeded to the Imperial Palace and entered their names in the visitors' register to pay their respects to H.I.M, the Emperor. Afterward they called on the Premier, Foreign Minister, War Minister, Navy Minister and other high officials, to whom they delivered the goodwill messages which they had brought from the Government and people of Italy.

The Mission members also exchanged greetings with various public organizations throughout the country and acquainted themselves with the true spirit and conditions of Japan by observing industries, commerce and other phases of Japanese culture and progress. Thus the visitors fulfilled their great mission of friendship and mutual understanding.


Italian Mission Calling on Foreign Minister Hirota (Tokyo, March. 1938).
Photo by Domei Tsushin.


Receiving the lantern procession and shouts of Banzai: right to left, German Ambassador von Dirksen, Foreign Minister Hirota, and Italian Ambassador Auriti.
(Tokyo, November 6, 1937) Photo by Domei Tsushin Sha.

H. I. H. Prince Chichibu Attends Luncheon on
First Anniversary of Anti-Comintern Pact

(Tokyo. November 25, 1937)

One year after the signing of the Japan-Germany Anti-Comintern pact, Italy joins the agreement and the Berlin-Tokyo Axis is extended to Rome. While the whole nation is joyously celebrating the conclusion of the Three-Power Anti-Comintern Pact, the first anniversary of the Germany-Japan pact is celebrated on November 25. The whole of Tokyo is bedecked with national flags, and the pupils at all schools shout Banzai for the three nations at their morning assembly. In celebration of the first anniversary, German Ambassador von Dirksen entertains at a luncheon held at the Germany Embassy, which H. I. H. Prince Chichibu attends. Present are Premier Konoye, Foreign Minister Hirota, War Minister Sugiyama, Navy Minister Yonai, Justice Minister Shiono, former Foreign Minister Arita, and other notables representing Japan. Ambassador and Mrs. von Dirken, and other members of the Embassy representing Germany; Ambassador Auriti and other members of the Italian Embassy representing Italy. Thus the three nations join hands in cooperation and understanding, and the luncheon is a significant expression of the spirit of the Tokyo-Rome-Berlin Axis. Photo shows the luncheon at the Germany Embassy; on the right of H. I. H. Prince Chichibu is the German Ambassador, and on the left the Italian Ambassador; in front of the German Ambassador is Premier Konoye.


Historic Signing of the Anti-Comintern Pact

The historic signing of the Japan-German-Italy Anti-Comintern pact took place at 11 a.m. (Tokyo time 7 p.m.) Novemhcr 6, 1937 at the Foreign Minister's room in the Foreign Office at Rome. Those presents were Colonel von Ribbentrop, representative of Chancellor Hitler, and German Ambassador von Hussel at Rome, Foreign Minister Ciano of Italy, anti-Japanese Ambassador Hotta. All signed the pact, written in Japanese, German and Italian. After the signing of the historic document at Rome, a celebration banquet held by the Foreign Office in Tokyo to which the German and Italian Ambassadors to Japan and others were invited. While the banquet was in progress more than 2,500 men and women, members of the Youngmen's Association, National Defence Women's Association, Patriotic Students' League and other of Kojimachi and Shiba wards in which the German and Italian Embassies are respectively located, marched through the drizzling rain, carrying lighted lanterns, to the Foreign Minister's official residence and shouted Banzai.


Welcome to Hitler Jugend

Thirty members of the Hitler Jugend arrived at Yokohama at 12:30 p.m. August 17, 1938, and were given a hearty welcome at the pier by several thousand members of the Young Men's Association, Boy Scouts, and others. The Hitler Jugend boys sang the German National Anthem, the Nazi Party Song, and Kimigayo, and received an enthusiastic greeting from the people present who gave the salute of raising the right hand. The visitors arrived at Tokyo Station at 2:15 p.m. and immediately proceeded to the Imperial Palace, Meiji Shrine, and the Yasukuni Shnne where they paid homage to the spirits of the brave soldiers and sailors there enshrined; and then went to the German Embassy.

During their three months' stay in the country, they called on the Foreign Minister, War Minister, Navy Minister, and Eduction Minister to pay their formal respects. They also climbed Mt. Fuji, spent several days with Japanese boys in camp at Lake Yamanaka, and met Premier Konoye at his villa in Karuizawa. The party formed an intimate friendship with the young men of Japan and thus fully performed their important mission of fostering and cooperation under the anti-Comintern Pact.


Welcome Given by Young Men in Festive Dress (Hakata, April, 1938).
Photo by Tomokichi Omuku, Domei Tsushin Sha.



Italian Mission Being Greeted by Mayor Oiwa of Nagoya
at the Gold-Dolphin Castle (Nagoya, April, 1938).
Photo by Kokki Ito, Nagoya Branch, Osaka Asahi Shimbun Sha.


Left Page: Italian Goodwill Mission at the Garden of Heaven, Peking.
Upper: In front of the stairway, Garden of Heaven.
Lower: The Italian Mission is welcomed by the Hungpao Association at Hsinking.
(Manchoukuo, May, 1938). Photo by Tomokichi Omuku, Domei Tsushin Sha.


Grand March Toward World Peace
A National Mass Meeting is held to celebrate the Conclusion of the Japan-Germany-Italy Anti-Comintern Pact.
(Korakuyen Stadium, Tokyo, November 25, 1937).






Rafu Shimpo: The bilingual Los Angeles Japanese Daily News, carries many articles in the Japanese language, designed specifically to encourage Nipponese faith in the might of the Mikado's Empire. Said Rafu Shimpo recently, under the caption: "Two-Ocean Navy and Pacific":

Battleships of more than 35,000 tons cannot pass through the Panama Canal. Only ships whose width is 106 feet or less can pass through it. Four ships of Iowa class, built in 1940, were of 45,000 tons each. Ten battleships now under construction are too large * * *. Therefore, the two-ocean navy really is a one-ocean navy.

President Roosevelt is very much concerned as to how America can match German armaments which have been prepared for 7 years. America might launch a battle against us, with 15 capital ships, 6 aircraft carriers, 18 heavy cruisers, 17 light cruisers, 80 destroyers, 45 submarines, comprising a first-line navy. But it would be very dangerous to attack Japan several thousand miles away * * * for it would be fatal for the American Navy to fight so far from its base.

If capital ships constitute power, look at what Germany does before our very eyes. It is so clear that there is no need for further explanation. Japan will not sit idle while America prepares.

While the Japanese Government exploits the racial ties to foster loyalty to the home country among Japanese-Americans, gullibles in the United States are worked upon with propaganda brochures prepared in scholarly style. The latest such literature, received gratis from Tokyo, is a volume entitled "Introductory Studies on the Sino-Japanese Conflict" (illustration on this page), by Kiyoshi Miki and Karoku Hosokawa, published by the Japanese Council of the Institute of Pacific Relations. This institute has achieved a position of great prestige in American and British diplomatic, academic, and industrial circles.

The well-indexed book, over 100 pages long, presents the Japanese version of imperialist expansion in China on the part of the European powers and the United States. Throughout the book, the reader is led to believe that the authors were prompted only by a feeling of compassion for "poor, abused China." In the first pages, the authors tread lightly, but in conclusion, they assert, under the subtitle "The 'Open Door' versus Japan's Continental Policy":

The clash between the ambitions of western powers and Japanese continental policy, both of which are seeking to advance in China, would seem to be inevitable unless one is forced to submit to the superior power of the other, as long as the semi-colonial China continues to exist as in the past, or as long as the present world order prevails.

Note the clever strategy of the authors in placing alleged "ambitions of Western powers" in juxtaposition with the "Japanese continental policy", as if it were the western powers and not Japan whose ambition is responsible for the Chinese-Japanese war. The authors continue:

The present Sino-Japanese incident, with utmost insistence, demands a solution to the question of creating a new and true world order, and of making a clean sweep of the semi-colonial condition of China.

To reach her goal Japan relies not only on her military arms and her Axis allies, but also upon Japanese-American "Quislings" who will gladly volunteer.

Thus, Japan falls into line with the Axis cry for a new order; thus, Japan prepares for the day when -- so bluntly stated in The Triple Alliance and the Japanese-American War -- only the flag of the rising sun will wave over the Pacific; and the swastika, which also symbolizes the sun, will rule the Atlantic.



Japanese Buddhism is a very complex religion of many different sects, and a thorough understanding of it cannot be gained without exhaustive study.

The headquarters of all Japanese Buddhist temples are located in Japan. Investigation has revealed that the Japanese Buddhist temples located in the United States, and the majority of their membership, were actively engaged in supporting the Central Japanese Association of America, as well as Japanese governmental agencies, in their endeavors in behalf of Japan.

Notable also in this connection is the fact that the Japanese Zen Buddhist sects, the most militant of all Japanese Buddhist sects, are also closely aligned to the Japanese nationalistic pseudo religion of Shintoism. Practically every priest serving in Japanese Buddhist temples in the United States has been brought here from Japan. A press report of last week stated that Japanese soldiers disguised as Buddhist priests have been infiltrating into the British lines in Malaya.

The Japanese explanation of Japanese Zen Buddhism is offered in a brochure entitled "Japanese Buddhism," by Prof. Daisetz Teitaro Suzuki, D. Lit., which was published in Tokyo and distributed by the Japanese Board of Tourist Industry, and from which the committee quotes as follows:

Buddhism has had a great deal to do not only with the development of the arts in Japan, but with the advancement of culture in all its branches. In fact Japan without Buddhism would probably never have reached the present stage of civilization. Buddhism has represented so far in the history of Japan everything she needed. It was through its agency that this isolated island of ours got acquainted with continental civilization, Indian and Chinese, upon which our ancestors built up the foundation of present-day Japan (p. 66).

There is one thing at least in the history of Japanese Buddhism which any writer on the subject cannot afford to ignore, which is its influence on Bushido, the "Way of the Warrior." It may be better to say the Zen Buddhist influence, for it is chiefly Zen that was studied by the Samurai class. The reason is that the Samurai should be always thinking of death which may befall him at any moment. While death is the gravest problem for all of us and it is really what turns us to religion, it was a more serious and threatening one if one can say so for the Samurai whose profession was rather to court it. His business was to fight and fighting means to kill the opponent or to be killed by him. The most efficient and capable Samurai was, therefore, the one who could defy death. But this defying was not to be just giving up life after the fashion of a desperado. There ought to be a certain philosophical understanding of the question, "What is life?" or "What is death?" This understanding is given by Zen simply and directly, that is, without the intricate medium of intellection and ritualism, which excellently suited the Samurai psychology.

The Samurai may be a great statesman, or a learned scholar, but the one thing most needed for him was to be above death. When his mind was freed from it, to whatever decisions he might come in the course of his profession he could carry them out regardless of any personal consequences following them. Or we can say this: His judgments which he was then ready to execute to the best of his ability, would be quite impersonal and therefore more to the point.

Bushido developed under the Hozyo regime when Zen Buddhism was introduced from China, and it was at once embraced by the Hozyo family and his retainers. They are noted for their simple life, bravery, and wise administration. The Mongolian invasion which was indeed the greatest event in the history of Japan before the Russo-Japanese War (1904-5), was repulsed by them, and most historians think the strength of character of the central figure engaged in the task was derived from his training in Zen. However, this may be, there is no doubt that Zen has been a great spiritual force for the building up of Japanese Bushido (pp. 68, 71, 72).

The following are the Buddhist organizations located in the Los Angeles area, with the organizational set-up of each as of 1940:

Higashi Hongwanji Betsuin, 118 North Mott Street, Los Angeles, Calif.:
Head of board of directors: Takao Koshiro.
Vice (fuku) head of board of directors:
Senemon Tsunekawa.
Tokujiro Kitabotake.
Yutaro Uyeda.
Zenjiro Nishio.
Suematsu Murata.
Kenichi Yamada.
Maotaro Ito.
Sakuji Yamada.
Ikujiro Sugano.
Otsuhiko Komura.
Ze Yamada.
Keiji Yamauchi.
Kuniwaka Katow.
Katsuji Kushida.
Board of maintenance:
Kichitaro Muto (president).
Seiichi Kako (vice president).
Sei Fujii.
Toyosaku Komai.
Eizo Maruyama.
Surei Hirose.
Hyojiro Nomura.
Rinpei Tsuchiya.


Hompa Hongwanji Rafu Betsuin, Los Angeles Hongwanji Betsuin, 119 North Central Avenue, Los Angeles, Calif.:
President: Rinban Ko.
Vice president: Rinban Okita.
Board of directors, head: Kurakichi Kaneko.
Yoshitaro Sasahara.
Yutaro Karai.
Ukitaro Araya.
Katsuya Kono.
Mikio Kimura.
Tomikichi Kanno.
Kanatsuchi Shioya.
Katsumi Yawata.
Kazuichi Yoshimura.
Special treasurers:
Enpei Fujita.
Hideki Sasashima.
Senji Hara.
Tokuhichi Okuda.
Shiuzo Maemura.
Noboru Murakami.
Tominosuke Ozamoto.
Perpetual accountants:
Tokujiro Takata.
Tadazo Harada.
Kaichi Sanwo.
Kuichi Sanwo.
Kuichi Uyeda.
Yasoichi Miyasaki.
Tokusaburo Dobashi.
Soji Fukui.
Fujizo Yano.
Shinosuke Tamari.

Koyasan Beikoku Botsuin, Koj'asan Betsuiii of the United States, 342 East First Street, Los Angeles, Calif.:
Head of board of directors: Katsuichi Kazehaya.
Vice (fuku) head of board of directors:
Shunten Kumamoto.
Kazuichi Watanabe.
Kuichiro Nishi.
Shinojo Wada.
Tsuruhiko Abe.
Toyogiro Kitojima.
Yasukichi Enomoto.
Tsurumatsu Asari.
Akihiro Matsukama.
Nobuyuki Miriguchi
Masami Sugino.
Moriyo Yokomiyo.
Kakuo Tanaka.
Tomoyo Tomio.
Yaozo Wada.
Kintaro Asano.
Jutaro Narumi.
Junichi Onishi.
Taiji Kito.
Takashi Furuzawa.
Yoshimatsu Kizu.

Rafu Nichiren Shu Kyokai, Los Angeles Nichiren Shu Church, 2800 East Third Street, Los Angeles, Calif.:
Missionary supervisor: Ryuchin Okihara.
Minister: Chikiyo Kurohashi.
Board of directors:
Koujiro Urushibata (head).
Kimiyo Yazaki (vice).
Heitaro Ichinose.
Kenta Nakamura.
Tadao Noritake.
Tokuyoshi Ito.
Ko Hohga.
Tsumori Honda.
Koichi Norio.
Masaichi Tawa.
Executive secretary: Chiyohachi Ishizawa.
Sugizo Fujioka.
Teuchiro Hachiya.
Hatsusaburo Itano.
Kiyotomi Ito.
Yasujiro Kawasaki.
Soshiro Kiyama.
Harukichi Utsugi.

Kashuzen Nichirenji, 130 Rose Street, Los Angeles, Calif.:
Head supervisor: Nikkan Kitamura.
Head of board of directors: Ayatoshi Kurose.
Vice (fuku) head of directors:
Ichimatsu Hitomi.
Shiro Murakami.
Treasurer: Uetoh Chikasuke.
Dansho Miyatake.
Heisaku Miyata.
Heisaku Yamasaki.
Secretary: Nikkan Kitamura.
Recorder: Masako Murakita.
Kumakichi Okauchi.
Muneo Kimura.
Yukio Hirano.
Tsunehachi Mino.
Kiichi Iwanaga.
Zuimoto Nishiyama.
Councillor: Yoshiaki Takeshita.

Hokubeizen Zenshuji, 123 South Hewitt Street, Los Angeles, Calif.
Head of board of directors: Tomokichi Matsushita.
Vice (fuku) head of directors:
Shunichi Murate.
Shigematsu Takeyasu.
Sumijiro Arita.
Masakado Takeuchi.
Masataro Kida.
Zenroku Nagai.
Yasusada Nagami.
Kango Nakahira.
Kuniji Watanabe.
Katsukichi Munekiyo.
Otogoro Marayama.
Head of general affairs: Yasuo Haniano.
Yaemon Minami.
Gongoro Nakamura.
Sei Fujii.
Advisers (honorary):
Tamizo Saito.
Toyokichi Nagasaki.
Sotaro Fujinaka.
Juzo Ogizo.
Surai Hirose.
Renzo Yasuda.
Denenion Juwabara.
Jiro Tani.
Toyokichi Yoshikawa.
Hagime Matsumoto.
Toyokichi Yamaguchi.
Takazo Imafuji.
Uyesaku Aoki.
Kanemon Gohtori.
Manichi Yata.
Isuki Iguchi.

Gosan Zenneiji, 727½ East First Street, Los Angeles, Calif.:
Head of board of directors:
Taigaku Ueshima.
Tsunejiro Tohara.
Vice (fuku) board of directors:
Saburo Sato.
Masanari Adachi.
Takiyoshi Ishikawa.
Seijiro Inose.
Masanobu Goishi.
Ken Oshikawa.
Eitaro Nanjo.
Keyoshi Tsunota.
Masayoshi Kawakami.
Takeichiro Kotani.
Keiji Ozaka.
Kenji Oka.
Kenzo Ikezaki.
Yoshihisa Yamanaka.
Ceremony committee:
Kurakane Tsunetaro.
Mitsujiro Ishibashi.
Jiegei Bucho: Danji Ikeda.
Vice: Rokuroku Watanabe.
Sensuke Okada.
Nakashiro Hara.
Kenjiro Matsubara.
Shitsuge Adachi.
Fumihei Gobata.
Jinichi Nakatsuru.
Haruhei Kuromi.
Nakazono Nojima.
Komao Momoto.
Advisers (honorary):
Toyosaku Komai.
Koshiro Umekubo.
Harunori Nagamine.
Otokichi Kuwabara.
Takao Kodama.

Tozenkutsu, 441 Turner Street, Los Angeles, Calif.: Hermit master (literal translation) : Nyogen Senzaki.


As has been mentioned hereinbefore, Bushido (the Way of the Warrior) is to be found in both Shinto and Zen Buddhist teachings. The committee quotes the following excerpts from a book entitled "Bushido, the Soul of Japan," by Inazo Nitobe, published in Tokyo:


About ten years ago, while spending a few days under the hospitable roof of the distinguished Belgian jurist, the lamented M. de Laveleye, our conversation turned during one of our rambles, to the subject of religion. "Do you mean to say," asked the venerable professor, "that you have no religious instruction in your schools?" On my replying in the negative, he suddenly halted in astonishment, and in a voice which I shall not easily forget, he repeated "No religion. How do you impart moral education?" The question stunned me at the time. I could give no ready answer, for the moral precepts I learned in my childhood days were not given in schools; and not until I began to analyse the different elements that formed my notions of right and wrong, did I find that it was Bushido that breathed them into my nostrils.

The direct inception of this little book is due to the frequent queries put by my wife as to the reasons why such and such ideas and customs prevail in Japan.

In my attempts to give satisfactory replies to M. de Laveleye and to my wife, I found that without understanding feudalism and Bushido, the moral ideas of present Japan are a sealed volume.

Taking advantage of enforced idleness on account of long illness, I put down in the order now presented to the public some of the answers given in our household conversation. They consist mainly of what I was taught and told in my youthful days, when feudalism was still in force.

Between Lafcadio Hearn and Mrs. Hugh Fraser on one side and Sir Ernest Satow and Professor Chamberlain on the other, it is indeed discouraging to write anything Japanese in English. The only advantage I have over them is that I can assume the attitude of a personal defendant, while these distinguished writers are at best solicitors and attorneys. I have often thought -- "Had I their gift of language, I would present the cause of Japan in more eloquent terms." But one who speaks in a borrowed tongue should be thankful if he can just make himself intelligible.

All through the discourse I have tried to illustrate whatever points I have made with parallel examples from European history and literature, believing that these will aid in bringing the subject nearer to the comprehension of foreign readers.

Should any of my allusions to religious subjects and to religious workers be thought slighting, I trust my attitude toward Christianity itself will not be questioned. It is with ecclesiastical methods and with the forms which obscure the teachings of Christ, and not with the teachings themselves, that I have little sympathy. I believe in the religion taught by Him and handed down to us in the New Testament, as well as in the law written in the heart. Further, I believe that God hath made a testament which may be called "old" with every people and nation -- Gentile or Jew, Christian or Heathen. As to the rest of my theology, I need not impose upon the patience of the public.

In concluding this preface, I wish to express my thanks to my friend Anna C. Hartshorne for many valuable suggestions.


* * * * * * *

In revising the present edition, I have confined the additions chiefly to concrete examples. I regret nay inability to add a chapter on Filial Piety, which is considered one of the two wheels of the chariot of Japanese ethics -- Loyalty being the other. * * *


* * * * * * *

Critical study has but deepened my own sense of the potency and value of Bushido to the nation. He who would understand twentieth-century Japan must know something of its roots in the soil of the past. Even if now as invisible to the present generation in Nippon as to the alien, the philosophic student reads the results of today in the stored energies of ages gone. The sunbeams of unrecorded time have laid the strata out of which Japan now digs her foot-pounds of impact for war or peace (p. V).

* * * * * * *

*No man in Japan has united the precepts and practice of his own Bushido more harmoniously in life and toil, labour and work, craft of hand and of pen, culture of the soil and of the soul. Illuminator of Dai Nippon's past. Dr. Nitobe is a true make of the New Japan. In Formosa, the empire's new accretion, as in Kioto, he is the scholar and practical man, at home in newest science and most ancient diligence (p. VII).



* * * * * * *

I would likewise point the Western historical and ethical student to the study of chivalry in the Japan of the present.

* * * My attempt is rather to relate, firstly, the origin and sources of our chivalry; secondly, its character and teaching; thirdly, its influence among the masses; and, fourthly, the continuity of permanence of its influence (p. 3).

* * * * * * *

Bushido means literally Military -- Knight -- Ways -- the ways which fighting nobles should observe in their daily life as well as in their vocation * * * (p. 4).

Bushido, then, is the code of moral principles which the knights were required or instructed to observe. It is not a written code; at best it consists of a few maxims handed down from mouth to mouth or coming from the pen of some well-known warrior or savant. More frequently it is a code unuttered and unwritten, possessing all the more the powerful sanctions of veritable deed, and is a law written on the fleshly tablets of the heart. It was founded not on the creation of one brain, however able, or on the life of a single personage, however renowned. It was an organic growth of decades and centuries of military career (p. 5). * * * Only as it attains consciousness in the feudal age, its origin, in respect to time, may be identified with feudalism. But feudalism itself is woven of many threads, and Bushido shares its intricate nature. * * * so we may say that in Japan its rise was simultaneous with the ascendancy of Yoritomo, late in the twelfth century. As, however, in England, we find the social elements of feudalism far back in the period previous to William the Conqueror, so, too, the germs of feudalism in Japan had been long existent before the period I have mentioned.

Again, in Japan as in Europe, when feudalism was formally inaugurated, the professional class of warriors naturally came into prominence. These were known as samurai, meaning literally, like the old English cniht (knecht, knight), guards or attendants -- resembling in character the soldurii, whom Caesar mentioned as existing in Aquitania, or the comitati, who, according to Tacitus, followed Germanic chiefs in his time; or, to take a still later parallel, the milites medii that one reads about in the history of Mediaeval Europe. A Sinico-Japanese word Buke or Bushi (Fighting Knights) was also adopted in common use. They were a privileged class, and must originally have been a rough breed who made fighting their vocation. This class was naturally recruited, in a long period of constant warfare, from the manliest and the most adventurous, and all the while the process of elimination went on, the timid and the feeble being sorted out, and only "a rude race, all masculine, with brutish strength," to borrow Emerson's phrase, serving to form families and the ranks of the samurai (pp. 5-8).

* * * * * * *

In Japan there were several sources of Bushido (p. 10).



I may begin with Buddhism. It furnished a sense of calm trust in Fate, a quiet submission to the inevitable, that stoic composure in sight of danger of calamity, that disdain of life and friendliness with death. A foremost teacher of -swordsmanship, when he saw his pupil master the utmost of his art, told -him, "Beyond this my instruction must give way to Zen teaching." "Zen" is the Japanese equivalent for the Dhyana, which "represents human effort to reach through meditation zones of thought beyond the range of verbal expression." Its method is contemplation, and its purport, so far as I understand it, to be convinced of a principle that underlies all phenomena, and, if it can, of the Absolute itself, and thus to put oneself in harmony with this Absolute. Thus defined, the teaching was more than the dogma of a sect, and whoever attains to the perception of the Absolute raises himself above mundane things and awakes "to a new Heaven and a new Earth."

What Buddhism failed to give, Shintoism offered in abundance. Such loyalty to the sovereign, such reverence for ancestral memory, and such filial piety as are not taught by any other creed, were inculcated by the Shinto doctrines, imparting passivity to the otherwise arrogant character of the samurai. Shinto theology has no place for the dogma of 'original sin.' On the contrary, it believes in the innate goodness and Godlike purity of the human soul, adoring it as the adytum from which divine oracles are proclaimed. Everybody has observed that the Shinto shrines are conspicuously devoid of objects and instruments of worship, and that a plain mirror (one of the symbols of the Japanese Imperial House) hung in the sanctuary forms the essential part of its furnishing * * * (pp. 11-13).

Its nature worship endeared the country to our inmost souls, while its ancestor worship, tracing from lineage to lineage, made the Imperial family the fountain head of the whole nation. To us the country is more than land and soil from which to mine gold or to reap grain -- it is the sacred abode of the gods, the spirits of our forefathers: to us the Emperor is more than the Arch Constable of a Rechtsstaat, or even the Patron of a Culturstaat -- he is the bodily representative of Heaven on earth, blending in his person its power and its mercy. * * *

The tenets of Shintoism cover the two predominating features of the emotional life of our race. -- Patriotism and Loyalty (p. 14).

* * * * * * *

Thus, whatever the sources, the essential principles which Bushido imbibed from them and assimilated to itself, were few and simple. Few and simple as these were, they were sufficient to furnish a safe conduct of life even through the unsafest days of the most unsettled period of our nation's history. The wholesome unsophisticated nature of our warrior ancestors derived ample food for their spirit from a sheaf of commonplace and fragmentary teachings, gleaned as it were on the highways and byways of ancient thought, and, stimulated by the demands of the age, formed from these gleanings a new and unique type of manhood. * * * "the vigorous initiative, the habit of sudden resolutions and desperate undertakings, the grand capacity to do and to suffer." In Japan as in Italy "the rude manners of the Middle Ages" made of man a superb animal, "wholly militant and wholly resistant." And this is why the sixteenth century displays in the highest degree the principal quality of the Japanese race, that great diversity which one finds there between minds (esprits) as well as between temperaments. While in India and even in China men seem to differ chiefly in degree of energy or intelligence, in Japan, they differ by originality of character as well. Now, individuality is the sign of superior races and of civilizations already developed. If we make use of an expression dear to Nietzsche, we might say that in Asia, to speak of humanity is to speak of its plains; in Japan as in Europe, one represents it above all by its mountains (pp. 20-22).



"* * * Rectitude is the power of deciding upon a certain course of conduct in accordance with reason, without wavering: -- to die when it is right to die, to strike when to strike is right." * * * "Rectitude is the bone that gives firmness and stature. As without bones the head cannot rest on the top of the spine, nor hands move nor feet stand, so without rectitude neither talent nor learning can make of a human frame a samurai. With it the lack of accomplishments is as nothing" (pp. 23-24).

* * * * * * *



* * * * * * *

What samurai youth has not heard of "Great Valour" and the "Valour of a Villain?"

Valour, Fortitude, Bravery, Fearlessness, Courage, being the qualities of soul which appeal most easily to juvenile minds, and which can be trained by exercise and example, were, so to speak, the most popular virtues, early emulated among the youth. Stories of military exploits were repeated almost before boys left their mother's breast. Does a little booby cry for any ache? The mother scolds him in this fashion: "What a coward to cry for a trifling pain! What will you do when your arm is cut off in battle? What when you are called upon to commit hara-kiri?" We all know the pathetic fortitude of a famished little boy prince of Sendai, who in the drama is made to say to his little page, "Seest thou those tiny sparrows in the nest, how their yellow bills are opened wide, and now see! there comes their mother with worms to feed them. How eagerly and happily the little ones eat! but for a samurai, when his stomach is empty, it is a disgrace to feel hungry." Anecdotes of fortitude and bravery abound in nursery tales, though stories of this kind are not by any means the only method of early imbuing the spirit with daring and fearlessness. Parents, with sternness sometimes verging on cruelty, set their children to tasks that called forth all the pluck that was in them. "Bears hurl their cubs down the gorge," they said. Samurai's sons were let down to steep valleys of hardship, and spurred to Sisyphuslike tasks. Occasional deprivation of food or exposure to cold, was considered a highly efficacious test for inuring them to endurance. Children of tender age were sent among utter strangers with some message to deliver, were made to rise before the sun, and before breakfast attend to their reading exercises, walking to their teachers with bare feet in the cold of winter; they frequently -- once or twice a month, as on the festival of a god of learning -- came together in small groups and passed the night without sleep, in reading aloud by turns. Pilgrimages to all sorts of uncanny places -- to execution grounds, to graveyards, to houses reputed of being haunted, were favourite pastimes of the young. In the days when decapitation was public, not only were small boys sent to witness the ghastly scene, but they were made to visit alone the place in the darkness of night and there to leave a mark of their visit on the trunkless head (pp. 30-33).



* * * * * * *

"Absolutism," says Bismarck, ''primarily demands in the ruler impartiality, honesty, devotion to duty, energy, and inward humility." If I may be allowed to make one more quotation on this subject, I will cite from the speech of the German emperor at Coblenz, in which he spoke of '"Kingship, by the grace of God, with its heavy duties, its tremendous responsibilities to the Creator alone, from which no man, no minister, no parliament, can release the monarch" * * * (p. 42).

"Rectitude carried to excess hardens into stiffness; benevolence indulged beyond measure sinks into weakness." * * *

"Bushi no nasake" -- the tenderness of a warrior -- had a sound which appealed at once to whatever was noble in us; not that the mercy of a samurai was generically different from the mercy of any other being, but because it implied mercy where mercy was not a blind impulse, but where it recognizes due regard to justice, and where mercy did not remain merely a certain state of mind, but where it was backed with power to save or kill. As economists speak of demand as being effectual or ineffectual, similarly we may call the mercy of Bushi effectual, since it implied the power of acting for the good or detriment of the recipient (p. 43).



* * * * * * *

"The end of all etiquette is to so cultivate your mind that even when you are quietly seated, not the roughest ruffian can dare make onset on your person." It means, in other words, that by constant exercise in correct manners, one brings all the parts and faculties of his body into perfect order and into such harmony with itself and its environment as to express the mastery of spirit over the flesh. * * *

Fine manners, therefore, mean power in repose. When the barbarian Gauls, during the sack of Rome, burst into the assembled Senate and dared pull the beards of the venerable Fathers, we think the old gentlemen were to blame, inasmuch as they lacked dignity and strength of manners (pp. 56-57).

* * * * * * *

The bare interior does not engross one's attention like the innumerable pictures and bric-a-brac of a Western parlour; the presence of kakemono (hanging scrolls, which may be either paintings or ideograms, used for decorative purposes) calls our attention more to grace of design than to beauty of colour. The utmost refinement of taste is the object aimed at; whereas anything like display is banished with religious horror (pp. 58-59).

* * * * * * *

In America, when you make a gift, you sing its praises to the recipient; in Japan we depreciate or slander it. The underlying idea with you is, "This is a nice gift: if it were not nice I would not dare give it to you; for it will be an insult to give you anything but what is nice." In contrast to this, our logic runs:

"You are a nice person, and no gift is nice enough for you" (p. 62).

* * * * * * *

"Which is the more important, to tell the truth or to be polite?" (Japanese believe it more important to be polite even if lying.) (p. 63).


Shinto Mission Headquarters in the United States


Shinto Mission Headquarters in the United States


Japanese Temple in Los Angeles


Captain Nango, Great Air Fighter, at His Private Residence
(Tokyo, January, 1938.) Photo by Domei Tsushin Sha.

Captain Shigeaki Nango, one of the greatest air fighters the Imperial Japanese has ever produced, photographed while visiting his parents in Tokyo, on leave the front. Captain Nango was the first aviator to shoot down a No. 16 type Soviet pursuit plane, the type on which China relied so heavily to defeat Japan. He shot down or destroyed 30 enemy heavy bombers and fighting planes over the Nanking on December 3, 1937.

After his visit to Tokyo, Captain Nango was recalled to the front and on July 18, he and his men set out to exterminate Chinese planes over Nanchang. In the midst of the gallant fighting that followed, he was killed by an enemy bullet. He died a noble death, sacrificing his life for the nation, and has become a deity guarding the country; yet his death is regretted by the entire people.

New Year Naval Review at Yokosuka Naval Station
(Permitted by the Yokosuka Naval Station).
(Yokosuka, January, 1938). Photo by Domei Tsushin Sha.


Empire Foundation March of boys dressed in ancient armor (at Kudan).

Empire Foundation Day Observed under Emergency

On February 11, Empire Foundation Day, the fiftieth anniversary of the promulgation of the Constitution was also celebratcd by the nation, and the Capital was a scene of the utmost joy from the early dawn. National flags were hoisted throughout the city and there were also huge streaming banners bearing inscriptions such as, "Advance National Honor," "Loyalty and National Service," "Long Life to the Military Glory," and "Perseverance and Patience." Carrying such banners and flags, the people marched in processions to the Imperial Palace. Throughout the day the capital was turned into a scene of flags, national joy and patriotism.

Mass fencing by boys filled with the Empire Foundation spirit
(at Hibiya). (Photo by Domei Tsushin Sha)


A ceremony is held as H.I.H. Prince Chichibu becomes the Patron of the celebration commemorating the 2,600th Anniversary of the Empire; the Prince's message is broadcast throughout the country. (Tokyo, April 10. 1938). Photo by Domei Tsushin Sha.

The ceremony at which H.I.H. Prince Chichibu becomes the Patron of the celebration that will mark the 2,600th Anniversary of the Empire, is held at 1 p.m. April 10, at the Meiji Jingu Stadium, with the attendance of the Prince and with 50,000 men of various organizations present. The Prince's message is broadcast throughout the country by a national hook-up through Station JOAK.


Army Units Stationed in Tokyo Worship at Yasukuni Shrine
During Special Grand Festival (Tokyo, April 25, 1938).
Photo by Heihachi Nakata Kokumin Shimbun Sha.




Since the European War, Japan's political as well as economic interests have been in an unsettled condition. This is due to the fact that we have failed to take advantage of our special privileges in Manchuria and Mongolia and fully to realize our acquired rights. But upon my appointment as premier, I was instructed to guard our interests in this region and watch for opportunities for further expansion. Such injunctions one cannot take lightly. Ever since I advocated a positive policy towards Manchuria and Mongolia as a common citizen, I have longed for its realization. So in order that we may lay plans for the colonization of the Far East and the development of our new continental empire, a special conference was held from June 27th to July 7th lasting all eleven days. It was attended by all the civil and military officers connected with Manchuria, and Mongolia, whose discussions result in the following resolutions. These we respectfully submit to Your Majesty for consideration.


The term Manchuria and Mongolia includes the provinces Fengtien, Kirin, Heilungkiang and Outer and Inner Mongolia. It extends an area of 74,000 square miles, having a population of 28,000,000 people. The territory is more than three times as large as our own empire not counting Korea and Formosa, but it is inhabited by only one-third as many people. The attractiveness of the land does not arise from the scarcity of population alone; its wealth of forestry, minerals, and agricultural products is also unrivalled elsewhere in the world. In order to exploit these resources for the perpetuation of our national glory, we cheated especially the South Manchurian Railway Company. The total investment involved in our undertakings in railway, shipping, mining, forestry, steel, manufacture, agriculture, and in cattle raising, as schemes pretending to be mutually beneficial to China and Japan amount to no less than Yen 440,000,000. It is veritably the largest single investment and the strongest organization of our country. Although nominally the enterprise is under the joint ownership of the government and the people, in reality the government has complete power and authority. In so far as the South Manchurian Railway is empowered to undertake diplomatic, police, and ordinary administrative .'functions so that it may carry out our imperialistic policies, the Company forms a peculiar organization which has exactly the same powers as the Governor-General of Korea. This fact alone is sufficient to indicate the immense interests we have in Manchuria and Mongolia. Consequently the policies towards this country of successive administrations since Meiji are all based on his injunctions, elaborating and continuously completing the development of the new continental empire in order to further the advance of our national glory and prosperity for countless generations to come.

Unfortunately, since the European War there have been constant changes in diplomatic as well as domestic affairs, The authorities of the Three Eastern Provinces are also awakened and gradually work toward reconstruction and industrial development, following our example. Their progress is astonishing. It has affected the spread of our influence in a most serious way, and has put us to so many disadvantages that the dealings with Manchuria and Mongolia of successive governments have resulted in failure. Furthermore, the restrictions of the Nine Power Treaty signed at the Washington Conference have reduced our special rights and privileges in Manchuria and Mongolia to such an extent that there is no freedom left for us. The very existence of our country is endangered. Unless these obstacles are removed, our national existence will be insecure and our national strength will not develop. Moreover, the resources of wealth are congregated in North Manchuria. If we do not have the right-of-way here, it is obvious that we shall not be able to tap the riches of this country. Even the resources of South Manchuria which we won by the Russo-Japanese War will also be greatly restricted by the Nine Power Treaty. The result is that while our people cannot migrate into Manchuria as they please, the Chinese are flowing in as a flood. Hordes of them move into the Three Eastern Provinces every year, numbering in the neighborhood of several millions. They have jeopardized our acquired rights in Manchuria and Mongolia to such an extent that our annual surplus population of eight hundred thousand have no place to seek refuge. In view of this we have to admit our failure in trying to effect a balance between our population and food supply. If we do not devise plans to check the influx of Chinese immigrants immediately, in five years' time the number of Chinese will exceed 6,000,000. Then we shall be confronted with greater difficulties in Manchuria and Mongolia.

It will be recalled that when the Nine Power Treaty was signed which restricted our movements in Manchuria and Mongolia, public opinion was greatly aroused. The late Emperor Taisho called a conference of Yamagata and other high officers of the army and navy to find a way to counteract this new engagement. I was sent to Europe and America to ascertain secretly the attitude of the important statesmen toward it. They were all agreed that the Nine Power Treaty was initiated by the United States. The other Powers which signed it were willing to see our influence increase in Manchuria and Mongolia in order that we may protect the interests of international trade and investments. This attitude I found out personally from the political leaders of England, France, and Italy. {Italics in original.} The sincerity of these expressions could be depended upon. Unfortunately, just as we were ready to carry out our policy and declare void the Nine Power Treaty with the approval of those whom I met on my trip, the Seiyukai cabinet suddenly fell and our policy failed of fruition. It was indeed a great pity. After I had secretly exchanged views with the Powers regarding the development of Manchuria and Mongolia, I returned by way of Shanghai. At the wharf there a Chinese attempted to take my life. An American woman was hurt, but I escaped by the divine protection of my emperors of the past. It seems that it was by divine will that I should assist Your Majesty to open a new era in the Far East and to develop the new continental empire.

The Three Eastern Provinces are politically the imperfect spot in the Far East. For the sake of self-protection as well as the protection of others, Japan cannot remove the difficulties in Eastern Asia unless she adopts a policy of "Blood and Iron." But in carrying out this policy we have to face the United States which has been turned against us by China's policy of fighting poison with poison. In the future if we want to control China, we must first crush the United States just as in the past we had to fight in the Russo-Japanese War. But in order to conquer China we must first conquer Manchuria and Mongolia. In order to conquer the world, we must first conquer China. If we succeed in conquering China, the rest of the Asiatic countries and the South Sea countries will fear us and surrender to us. Then the world will realize that Eastern Asia is ours and will not dare to violate our rights. This is the plan left to us by Emperor Meiji, the success of which is essential to our national existence.

The Nine Power Treaty is entirely an expression of the spirit of commercial rivalry. It was the intention of England and America to crush our influence in China with their power of wealth. The proposed reduction of armaments is nothing but a means to limit our military strength, making it impossible for us to conquer the vast territory of China. On the other hand, China's sources of wealth will be entirely at their disposal. It is merely a scheme by which England and America may defeat our plans. And yet the Minseito made the Nine Power Treaty the important thing and emphasized our TRADE rather than our RIGHTS in China. This is a mistaken policy -- a policy of national suicide. England can afford to talk about trade relations only because she has India and Australia to supply her with foodstuffs and other materials. So can America because South America and Canada are there to supply her needs. Their spare energy could be entirely devoted to developing trade in China to enrich themselves. But in Japan her food supply and raw materials decrease in proportion to her population. If we merely hope to develop trade, we shall eventually be defeated by England and America, who possess unsurpassable capitalistic power. In the end, we shall get nothing. A more dangerous factor is the fact that the people of China might some day wake up. Even during these years of internal strife, they can still toil patiently, and try to imitate and displace our goods so as to impair the development of our trade. When we remember that' the Chinese are our sole customers, we must beware lest one day when China becomes unified and her industries become prosperous. Americans and Europeans will compete with us; our trade in China will be wrecked. Minseito's proposal to uphold the Nine Power Treaty and to adopt the policy of trade towards Manchuria is nothing less than a suicide policy.

After studying the present conditions and possibilities of our country, our best policy lies in the direction of taking positive steps to secure rights and privileges in Manchuria and Mongolia. These will enable us to develop our trade. This will not only forestall China's own industrial development, but also prevent the penetration of European Powers. This is the best policy possible!

The way to gain actual rights in Manchuria and Mongolia is to use this region as a base and under the pretence of trade and commerce penetrate the rest of China. Armed by the rights already secured we shall seize the resources all over the country. Having China's entire resources at our disposal we shall proceed to conquer India, the Archipelago, Asia Minor, Central Asia, and even Europe. But to get control of Manchuria is the first step if the Yamato race wishes to distinguish themselves in Continental Asia. Final success belongs to the country having raw materials; the full growth of national strength belongs to the country having extensive territory. If we pursue a positive policy to enlarge our rights in Manchuria and China, all these prerequisites of a powerful nation will constitute no problem. Furthermore our surplus population of 700,000 each year will also be taken care of.

If we want to inaugurate a new policy and secure the permanent prosperity of our empire, a positive policy towards Manchuria and Mongolia is the only way.


Historically considered, Manchuria and Mongolia are neither China's territory nor her special possessions. Dr. Yano has made an extensive study of Chinese history and has come to the positive conclusion that Manchuria and Mongolia never were Chinese territory. This fact was announced to the world on the authority of the Imperial University. The accuracy of Dr. Yano's investigations is such that no scholars in China have contested his statement. However, the most unfortunate thing is in our declaration of war with Russia our government openly recognized China's sovereignty over these regions and later again at the Washington Conference when we signed the Nine Power Treaty. Because of these two miscalculations (on our part) China's sovereignty in Manchuria and Mongolia is established in diplomatic relations, but our interests are seriously injured. In the past, although China speaks of the Republic of Five Races, yet Tibet, Sinkiang, Mongolia, and Manchuria have always remained special areas and the princes are permitted to discharge their customary functions. Therefore in reality the sovereign power over these regions resides with the princes. When the opportunity presents itself we should make known to the world the actual situation there. We should also wedge our way into Outer and Inner Mongolia in order that we may reform the mainland. So long as the princes there maintain their former administrations, the sovereign rights are clearly in their hands. If we want to enter these territories, we may regard them as the ruling power and negotiate with them for rights and privileges. We shall be afforded excellent opportunities and our national influence will increase rapidly.


As to the rights in Manchuria, we should take forceful steps on the basis of the Twenty-One Demands and secure the following in order to safeguard the enjoyment of the rights which we have acquired so far:

1. After the thirty-year commercial lease terminates, we should be able to extend the term at our wish. Also the right of leasing land for commercial, industrial, and agricultural purposes should be recognized.

2. Japanese subjects shall have the right to travel and reside in the eastern part of Mongolia, and engage in commercial and industrial activities. As to their movements, China shall allow them freedom from Chinese law. Furthermore, they must not be subject to illegal taxation and unlawful examination.

3. We must have the right of exploiting the nineteen iron and coal mines in Fengtien and Kirin, as well as the right of timbering.

4. We should have priority for building railroads and option for loans for such purposes in South Manchuria and Eastern Mongolia.

5. The number of Japanese political, financial, and military advisers and training officers must be increased. Furthermore, we must have priority in furnishing new advisers.

6. The right of stationing our police over the Koreans (in China).

7. The administration and development of the Kirin-Changchun Railway must be extended to 99 years.

8. Exclusive right of sale of special products -- priority of shipping business to Europe and America.

9. Exclusive rights of mining in Heilungkiang. 10. Rights to construct Kirin-Hueining and Changchun-Talai Railways.

11. In case money is needed for the redemption of the Chinese Eastern Railway, the Japanese Government must have the first option for making loans to China.

12. Harbour rights at Antung and Yingko and the right of through transportation.

13. The rights of partnership in establishing a Central Rank of the Three Eastern Provinces.

14. Right of Pasturage.


Since Manchuria and Mongolia are still in the hands of the former princes in the future we must recognize them as the ruling power and give them support. For this reason, the daughter of General Fukushima, Governor of Kwantung risked her life among the barbarous Mongolian people of Tushiyeh to become adviser to their Prince in order that she might serve the Imperial Government. As the wife of the Prince Ruler is the niece of the Manchu Prince Su, the relationship between our Government and the Mongolian Prince became very intimate. The princes of Outer and Inner Mongolia have all shown sincere respect for us, especially after we allured them with special benefits and protection. Now there are 19 Japanese retired military officers in the house of the Tushiyeh. We have acquired already monopoly rights for the purchase of wool, for real estate, and for mines. Hereafter we shall send secretly more retired officers to live among them. They should wear Chinese clothes in order to escape the attention of the Mukden Government. Scattered in the territory of the Prince, they may engage themselves in farming, herding, and dealing in wool. As to the other principalities, we can employ the same methods as in Tushiyeh. Everywhere we should station our retired military officers to dominate in the Princes' affairs. After a large number of our people have moved into Outer and Inner Mongolia, we shall then buy lands at one-tenth of their worth and begin to cultivate rice where feasible in order to relieve our shortage of food supply. Where the land is not suitable for rice cultivation we should develop it for cattle raising and horse breeding in order to replenish our military needs. The rest of the land could be devoted to the manufacture of canned goods which we may export to Europe and America. The fur and leather will also meet our needs. Once the opportunity comes. Outer and Inner Mongolia will be ours outright. While the sovereign rights are not clearly defined and while the Chinese and Soviet Governments are engaging their attention elsewhere, it is our opportunity quietly to build our influence. Once we have purchased most of the land there, there will be no room for dispute as to whether Mongolia belongs to the Japanese or the Mongolians. Aided by our military prowess, we shall realize our positive policy. In order to carry out this plan, we should appropriate Yen 1,000,000 from the "secret funds" of the Army Department's budget so that four hundred retired officers disguised as teachers and Chinese citizens may be sent into Outer and Inner Mongolia to mix with the people, to gain the confidence of the Mongolian princes, to acquire from them rights for pasturage and mining and to lay the foundation of our national interests for the next hundred years.


Since the annexation of Korea, we have had very little trouble. But President Wilson's declaration of the self-determination of races after the European War has been like a divine revelation to the suppressed peoples. The Koreans are no exception. The spirit of unrest has permeated the whole country. Both because of the freedom they enjoy in Manchuria due to an incompetent police system and because of the richness of the country, there are now in the Three Eastern Provinces no less than 1,000,000 Koreans. The unlooked-for development is fortunate for our country indeed. From a military and economic standpoint, it has greatly strengthened our influence. From another standpoint, it gives new hope for the administration of Koreans. They will both be the vanguard for the colonization of virgin fields and furnish a link of contact with the Chinese people. On the one hand, we could utilize the naturalized Koreans to purchase land for rice cultivation; on the other, we could extend to them financial aid through the Co-operative Society, the South Manchurian Railway, etc., so that they may serve as the spearhead of our economic penetration. This will give relief to our problem of food supply, as well as open a new field of opportunity for colonization. The Koreans who have become naturalized Chinese are Chinese only in name; they will return to our fold eventually. They are different from those naturalized Japanese in California and South America. They are naturalized as Chinese only for temporary convenience. When their numbers reach 2½ million or more they can be instigated to military activities whenever there is the necessity, and under the pretense of suppressing the Koreans we could bear them aid. As not all the Koreans are naturalized Chinese, the world will not be able to tell whether it is the Chinese Koreans or the Japanese Koreans who create the trouble. We can always sell dog's meat with a sheep's head as a signboard.

Of course while we could use the Koreans for such purposes, we must beware of the fact that the Chinese could also use them against us. But Manchuria is as much under our jurisdiction as under Chinese jurisdiction. If the Chinese should use Koreans to hamper us, then our opportunity of war against China is at hand. In that event, the most formidable factor is Soviet Russia. If the Chinese should use the "Reds" to influence the Koreans, the thought of our people will change and great peril will befall us. Therefore, the present Cabinet is taking every precaution against this eventuality. If we want to make use of the Koreans to develop our new continental empire, our protection and regulation for them must be more carefully worked out. We should increase our police force in North Manchuria under the terms of the Mitsuya Treaty so that we may protect the Koreans and give them help in their rapid advance. Furthermore, the Eastern Development Company (Totuku Kaisha) and the South Manchurian Railway Company should follow then to give them financial aid. They should be given especially favorable terms so that through them we may develop Manchuria and Mongolia and monopolize the commercial rights. The influx of Koreans into these territories is of such obvious importance both for economic and military considerations that the Imperial Government cannot afford not to give it encouragement. It will mean new opportunities for our empire. Since the effect of, the Lansing-Ishii Agreement is lost after the Washington Conference, we can only recover our interests through the favourable development arising out of the presence of several millions of Koreans in Manchuria. There is no ground in international relations for raising any objection to this procedure.


Transportation is the mother of the national defense, the assurance of victory and the citadel of economic development. China has only 7,200 to 7,300 miles of railroads, of which three thousand miles are in Manchuria and Mongolia, constituting two-fifths of the whole. Considering the size of Manchuria and Mongolia and the abundance of natural products, there should be at least five or six thousand miles more It is a pity that our railroads are mostly in South Manchuria, which cannot reach the sources of wealth in the northern parts. Moreover, there are too many Chinese inhabitants in South Manchuria to be wholesome for our military and economic plans If we wish to develop the natural resources and strengthen our national defense, we must build railroads in Northern Manchuria. With the opening of these railroads, we shall be able to send more people (Japanese) into Northern Manchuria. From this vantage ground we can manipulate political and economic developments in South Manchuria, as well as strengthen our national defense in the interest of peace and order of the Far East. Furthermore, the South Manchurian Railway was built mainly for economic purposes. If lacks encircling lines necessary for military mobilization and transportation. From now on we must take military purposes as our object and build circuit lines to circle the heart of Manchuria and Mongolia in order that we may hamper China's military, political, and economic developments there on the one hand, and prevent the penetration of Russian influence on the other. This is the key to our continental policy.

There are two trunk lines in Manchuria and Mongolia. These are the Chinese Eastern Railway and the South Manchurian Railway. As regards the railroad built by the Chinese, it will doubtless become very powerful in time, backed by the financial resources of the Kirin Provincial Government. With the combined resources of Fengtien and Heilungkiang Provinces, the Chinese railroads will develop to an extent far superior to our South Manchurian Railway. Strong competition will inevitably result. Fortunately for us, the financial conditions in Fengtien Province are in great disorder, which the authorities cannot improve unless we come to their succor. This is our chance. We should take positive steps until we have reached our goal in railroad development. Moreover, if we manipulate the situation, the Fengtien banknotes will depreciate to an inconceivable degree. In that event, the bankruptcy of Fengtien will be a matter of time. The development of Manchuria and Mongolia will be out of the question for them. But we still have to reckon with the Chinese Eastern Railway. It forms a T with the South Manchurian Railway. Although this system is a convenient shape, it is by no means suitable for military purposes. When the Chinese build railroads as feeders of the Chinese Eastern Railway, it is best that they run parallel to it, west and east. But with the South Manchurian Railway as main line, we must have these lines run north and south. For the benefit of these Chinese themselves, there are also advantages for these lines to run in this direction. Consequently our interest does not necessarily conflict with the Chinese. Now that Russia is losing influence and is powerless to advance in Manchuria and Mongolia, it is certain that the Chinese must act according to our reckoning in the development of railways in the future. Much to our surprise the Fengtien Government recently built two railroads, one from Tahushan to Tungliao and the other from Kirin to Haining, both for military purposes. These two railroads affect most seriously our military plans in Manchuria and Mongolia as well as the interest of the South Manchurian Railway. We therefore protested strongly against it.

That these railways were built was due to the fact that our official on the spot as well as the South Manchurian Railway authorities miscalculated the ability of the Fengtien Government and paid no attention to it. Later when we did intervene the railways were already completed. Besides, the Americans have been anxious to make an investment in developing the port of Hu-lu-tao through British capitalists. Taking advantage of this situation, the Fengtien Government introduced American and British capital in these railways in order to hold our interest at bay. For the time being we have to wink at it and wait for opportune moment to deal with China about these two railroads.

Recently, it is rumoured, that the Fengtien Government is planning to build a railroad from Tahushan to Harbin via Tungliao and Fuyu, so that there may be a direct line between Peking and Harbin without touching either the South Manchurian Railway or the Chinese Eastern Railway. What is more astonishing is that another railway beginning at Mukden passing through Hailung, Kirin, Wuchang and terminating at Harbin is also under way. If this plan goes through, then these two lines would encircle the South Manchurian Railway and limit its sphere of activities to a small area. The result is that our economic and political development of Manchuria and Mongolia will be checked and the plan for curtailing our power by the Nine Power Treaty will be carried out. Moreover, the completion of these two railroads will render the South Manchurian Railway completely useless. The latter company will be confronted with a real crisis. But in view of China's financial conditions today, she cannot undertake these two railroads unless she resorts to foreign loans. And on these two railways the transportation charges will have to be higher than on the South Manchuria Railway. These considerations give us some comfort. But in the event of these two railroads becoming an accomplished fact and the Chinese Government making especially low freight charges in order to compete with the South Manchurian Railway, not only we but the Chinese Eastern Railway will also sustain great losses. Japan and Russia certainly would not allow China to carry out such obstructive measures, especially as the Chinese Eastern Railway depends upon Tsitsihar and Harbin for the bulk of its business. The consequence would be even more serious to both Japanese and Russian interests when the new railways are completed.

Let us consider more in detail the competitive railways projected in Manchuria and Mongolia. China contemplates:

1. Suolun-Taonan Railway.
2. Kirin-Harbin Railway.

Soviet Russia proposes:

1. Anta-Potung Railway.
2. Mienpo-Wuchang-Potuna Railway.
3. Kirin-Hailin Railway.
4. Mishan-Muling Railway.

The Russian plans are designed to strengthen the Chinese Eastern Railway and thereby to extend Russia's imperialistic schemes. For this reason the railways projected mostly run east and west. For although the power of Soviet Russia is declining, her ambition in Manchuria and Mongolia has not diminished for a minute. Every step she takes is intended to obstruct our progress and to injure the South Manchurian Railway. We must do our utmost to guard against her influence. We should use the Fengtien Government as a wedge to check her southern advance. By pretending to check the southern advance of Soviet Russia as a first step, we could gradually force our way into North Manchuria and exploit the natural resources there. We shall then be able to prevent the spread of Chinese influence on the south and arrest the advance of Soviet Russia on the north. In our struggle against the political and economic influence of Soviet Russia, we should drive China before us and direct the event from behind. Meanwhile, we should still secretly befriend Russia in order to hamper the growth of Chinese influence. It was largely with this purpose in view that Baron Goto of Kato's cabinet invited Joffe to our country and advocated the resumption of diplomatic relations with Russia.

Although we have an agreement with the Chinese Eastern Railway concerning transportation rates, according to which 45% go to the Chinese Eastern Railway and 55% to us, yet the Chinese Eastern Railway still grants preferential rates detrimental to the interest of the South Manchurian Railway. Moreover, according to a secret declaration of Soviet Russia, although they have no territorial ambition they cannot help keeping a hand in the Chinese Eastern Railway on account of the fact that north of the Chinese and Russian boundary the severe cold makes a railway valueless. Furthermore, as Vladivostok is their only seaport in the Far East, they cannot give up the Chinese Eastern Railway without losing also their foothold on the Pacific. This makes us feel the more uneasy.

On the other hand the South Manchurian Railway is not adequate for our purpose. Considering our present needs and future activities, we must control railways in both North and South Manchuria, especially in view of the fact that the resources of North Manchuria and Eastern Mongolia will furnish no room for expansion and material gains. In South Manchuria the Chinese are increasing at such a rate that it surely will damage our interests politically and economically. Under such circumstances, we are compelled to take aggressive steps in North Manchuria in order to assure our future prosperity. But if the Chinese Eastern Railway of Soviet Russia should spread across this field, our new continental policy is bound to receive a setback which will result in an inevitable conflict with Soviet Russia in the near future. In that event we shall enact once more our part in the Russo-Japanese War. The Chinese Eastern Railway will become ours as the South Manchurian Railway did last time, and we shall seize Kirin as we once did Dairen. That we should draw swords with Russia again in the fields of Mongolia in order to gain the wealth of North Manchuria seems a necessary step in our program of national aggrandizement. Until this hidden rock is blown up our ships can have not smooth sailing. We should now demand from China the right of building all the important military railroads. When these railroads are completed, we shall pour our forces into North Manchuria as far as we can. When Soviet Russia intervenes, as they must, that is our opportunity for open conflict.

We should insist on the building of the following railroads:

1. Tungliao-Jehol. This line is 447 miles long and will cost Yen 50,000,000. When it is completed it will be of great value to our development of Inner Mongolia. As a matter of fact, this is the most important of all the railways in the whole undertaking. According to the careful surveys of the War Department, there are in Inner Mongolia large tracts of land suitable for rice cultivation. After proper development there will be room for at least 20 millions of our people. There is besides the possibility of turning out 2,000,000 head of cattle which may be transported by railways for food supply and for purposes of exporting to Europe and America. Wool also is a special product. While the sheep in Japan yield only two catties of wool per head per year, the sheep in Mongolia can yield six catties. The South Manchurian Railway has made many experiments, all of which confirm this fact. Besides, the wool is many times better than that of Australia. Its low cost and high quality combined with its abundance in quantity make Mongolia a potential source of great wealth. When this industry is enhanced by the facilities of railway development, the total production will increase at least tenfold. We have withheld this knowledge from the rest of the world, lest England and America compete with us for it. Therefore, we must first of all control the transportation and then develop the wool industry. By the time the other countries came to know about it, it would be already too late to do anything. With this railroad in our hands we can develop the wool industry not only for our own use, but also for exporting to Europe and America. Furthermore, we can realize, our desire of joining hands with Mongolia. This railway is a matter of life and death to our policy in Mongolia. Without it, Japan can have no part in Mongolia's development.

2. Suolun-Taonan Railway. This line is 136 miles long and will cost Yen 10,000,000. Looking into the future of Japan, a war with Russia over the plains of North Manchuria is inevitable. From a military standpoint, this line will not only enable us to threaten Russia's rear, but also to curtail its reinforcements for North Manchuria. From an economic standpoint, this road will place the wealth of the Tao-er-ho Valley within our reach, thereby strengthening the South Manchuria Railway. The princes nearby who are friendly to us can also use this road to extend our influence in order to open up their respective territories. Our hope of working hand in hand with the Mongolian princes, of acquiring land, mines and pasturage, and of developing trade with the natives as preliminary steps for later penetration, all depend upon this railway. Together with the Tungliao-Jehol Railway, they will form two supplementary routes into Mongolia. When the industries are fully developed, we shall extend our interests into Outer Mongolia. But the danger of this line is that it might provide facilities for Chinese migration into a new region and spoil our policy. Look at our experience with the South Manchurian Railway. Hasn't that served the interest of China? The redeeming feature, however, is the fact that the land and mines along this railway are in the possession of Mongolian princes. If we can gain possession of them first, we need have no worries about Chinese migration. Moreover, we can make the princes pass laws discriminating against Chinese immigrants. When life there is made miserable for the Chinese, they naturally will leave for places afar. There are other methods to bar the Chinese. Only if we try hard enough, no Chinese footprints will be found on Mongolian territory.

3. A section of the Changchun-Taonan Railway. As this line runs from Changchun to Fuyu and Talai, the section between Changchun and Taonan is about 131 miles and costs approximately Yen 11,000,000. This line is immensely important from an economic standpoint, for the wealth of Manchuria and Mongolia lies all in North Manchuria. It will enable us to have an easy access to North Manchuria on the one hand, and prejudice the Chinese Eastern Railway to the benefit of the South Manchurian Railway on the other. It runs through the upper valley of the Sungari River where the soil is fertile and agricultural products abound. Further, in the vicinity of Talai there is the Yueh-Liang Falls which could be harnessed for electric power. That this section of the railway will be a prosperous center for industry and agriculture is beyond doubt. After the completion of this line, we shall be able to make Talai a base and advance on Siberia in three directions; namely, by way of Taonan, Anshan and Tsitsihar. The wealth of North Manchuria will then come to our hands. This will also be the first line of advance to Heilungkiang. It will further form a circuit with the railway between Changchun and Taonan, which will serve well for military purposes when we penetrate into Mongolia. Along this whole line the population is sparse and the land is rich and extensive. No fertilizer will be required on the farms for fifty years. A possession of this railway will ensure the possession of all the wealth of North Manchuria and Mongolia. In this region there is room for at least 30 million people more. When the Tunhua Railway is completed and joins up with the line running to Hueinnig in Korea, the products will be brought to the door of Osaka and Tokyo by a direct route. In time of war our troops could be dispatched to North Manchuria and Mongolia via the Japan Sea without a stop, forestalling all possibilities of Chinese forces entering North Manchuria. Nor could American or Russian submarines enter the Korean Strait. The moment the railways between Kirin and Huening and between Changchun and Talai are completed, we shall become self-sufficient in foodstuffs and raw materials. We shall have no worries in the event of war with any country. Then, in our negotiation with Manchuria and Mongolia, China will be cowed into submission and yield to our wishes. If we want to end the political existence of Manchuria and Mongolia according to the third step of Meiji's plan, the completion of these two railways is the only way. The Changchun-Talai Railway will greatly enhance the value of the South Manchurian Railway, besides developing into a profitable line itself. It is an undertaking of supreme importance in our penetration into this territory.

4. The Kirin-Hueining Line. While the Kirin-Tunhua Line is already completed, the Hunhua-Hueining Line is yet to be built. The narrow gauge of 2 ft. 6 inches of the track from Hueining to Laotaukow is inadequate for the economic development of the New Continent. Allowing Yen 8,000,000 for widening the tracks in this section and Yen 10,000,000 for completing the section between Laotoukow and Tunhua, the whole undertaking will cost approximately Yen 20,000,000. When this is done, our continental policy will have succeeded. Hitherto, people going to Europe had to pass through either Dairen or Vladivostok. Now they can go on the trunk line directly from Chingchinkwang via the Siberian Railway. When we are in control of this great system of transportation, we need make no secret of our designs on Manchuria or Mongolia, according to the third step of Meiji's plans. The Yamato Race is then embarked on the journey of world conquest! According to the last will of Meiji, our first step was to conquer Formosa and the second step to annex Korea. Having completed both of these, the third step is yet to be taken and that is the conquest of Manchuria, Mongolia, and China. When this is done, the rest of Asia, including the South Sea Islands, will be at our feet. That these injunctions have not been carried out even now is a crime of your humble servants.

In history of the people living in Kirin, Fengtien, and part of Heilungkiang, are called Sushan. They are now scattered along the sea coast and in the basins of the Amur and Tumen rivers. They were known as Kulai, Sushan, Hueibei, Palou, Wotsu, Fuyu, Kitan, Pohai, and Nuchen at different stages of history. They were of a mixed race. The forefathers of the Manchurian dynasty also began in this vicinity. They gained control of Kirin first, and then firmly established themselves in China for 300 years. If we want to put into effect our Continental Policy, we have to note this historical fact and proceed to establish ourselves in this region first also. Hence the necessity of the Kirin-Huenining Railway.

Whether the terminus of the Kirin-Huenining Line be at Chingchu or Lochin or even Hshiungchi, we are free to decide according to circumstances. From the standpoint of national defense at present Lochin seems the ideal harbour and terminus. Eventually it will be the best harbour in the world. On the one hand it will ruin Vladivostok, and on the other it will be the center of the wealth of Manchuria and Mongolia. Moreover, Dairen is as yet not our own territory. While Manchuria is yet not a part of our empire, it is difficult to develop Dairen. That being the case, we shall be in precarious situation in time of war. The enemy could blockade the Tsushima and Senchima Straits, and we will be cut off from the supplies of Manchuria and Mongolia. Not having the resources there at our command, we will be vanquished, especially as England and the United States have worked hand in hand to limit our action in every possible direction. For the sake of self-preservation and of giving warning to China and the rest of the world, we must fight America some time. The American Asiatic Squadron stationed in the Philippines is but within a stone's throw from Tsushima and Senchima. If they send submarines to these quarters, our supply of foodstuffs and raw materials from Manchuria and Mongolia will be cut off entirely. But if the Kirin-Huenining Railway is completed, we shall have a large circuit line through all Manchuria and Korea, and a small circuit line through North Manchuria. We shall have access in all directions, gaining freedom for the transportation of soldiers and supplies alike. When our supplies are transported through this line to our ports at Tsuruga and Niigata, enemy submarines will have no way of getting into the Japanese and Korean Straits. We are then entirely free from interference. This is what is meant by making the Japanese Sea the center of our national defense. Having secured the free transportation of food and raw materials, we shall have nothing to fear either from the American navy because of its size or the Chinese or Russian army because of their number. Incidentally, we shall be in a position to suppress the Koreans. Let me reiterate the fact that if we want to carry out the New Continental Policy, we must build this line. Manchuria and Mongolia are the undeveloped countries in the East. Over this territory we shall have to go to war with Soviet Russia sooner or later. The battle ground will be Kirin.

When we carry out the third step of Meiji's plans with regard to China, we shall have to do the following things:

1. Mobilize the army divisions in Fukuoka and Hiroshima, and send them to South Manchuria via Korea. This will prevent the northern advance of Chinese soldiers.

2. Send the army divisions in Nagaya and Kwensei by sea to Chingchin, and thence to North Manchuria via the Kirin-Hueining Line.

3. Send the army in Kwantung through Niigata to Chingchin or Lochin, and thence by Kirin-Hueining Line to North Manchuria.

4. Send the army divisions in Hokkaido and Sendai to embark the ship at Aomori and Hakodate, and sail for Vladivostok; thence via the Siberian Railway to Harbin. Then they can descend on Fengtien, seize Mongolia and prevent Russian forces from coming south.

5. Finally the divisions in all directions will meet and form themselves into two large armies. On the south, they will keep Shanhaikwan and close it against the northern advance of Chinese forces; on the north, they will defend Tsitsihar against the southern advance of the Russians. In this way we shall have all the resources of Manchuria and Mongolia at our command. Even if the war should be prolonged for ten years, we need have no fear for the lack of supplies.

Let us now analyze once more the Kirin-Hueining Railway from the standpoint of its access from our ports.

First with Chingchin as the starting point.

1. To Vladivostok --- 130 miles
2. To Tsuruga --- 475 miles
3. To Moji --- 500 miles
4. To Nagasaki --- 650 miles
5. To Fushan --- 500 miles

Second, take Tsuruga as the port of entry and compare it with Dairen. In this case we should consider it from the point of view of Osaka as industrial center.

1. From Chungchun to Osaka via Lochin, the distance is 406 miles by land and 475 miles by sea. In point of time the route will take 51 hours.

2. From Changchun to Osaka via Dairen and Kobe, the distance is 535 miles by land and 870 miles by sea. In point of time it takes 92 hours.

If Tsuruga instead of Dairen is made the connecting link, there is a saving of 41 hours. Calculated at the rate of 30 miles an hour on land and 12 miles an hour by sea, we can use fast boats and trains and cut the time in half.

Manchuria and Mongolia are the Belgium of the Far East. In the Great War, Belgium was the battlefield. In our wars with Russia and the United States, we must also make Manchuria and Mongolia suffer the ravages. As it is evident that we have to violate the neutrality of these territories, we cannot help building the Kirin-Hueining and Changchun-Talai Railways in order that we may be militarily prepared. In time of war we can easily increase our forces and in time of peace we can migrate thousands upon thousands of people into this region and work on the rice fields. This line offers the key to economic development as well as to military conquests.

In undertaking the Kirin-Hueining Railway, it is necessary to take advantage of the dry season and finish it at one stretch. The mountains we must go through are all granite. The tunneling would need modern and up-to-date machines. As to the sleepers and ballast required, there is an abundance all along the line. Limestone and clay for making tiles and brick are also to be had for the taking. Only rails, cars and locomotives have to be brought in. The cost of construction could therefore be reduced at least thirty percent and the time required forty percent.

Now let us look into the economic interests along this line. According to the careful investigation of our General Staff and the South Manchurian Railway, the total reserve of timber is 200,000,000 tons. If one million tons is felled and imported to our country each year, it will last two hundred years. This will stop the imports of American timber which has been costing us Yen 80,000,000 to Yen 100,000,000 a year. Although our information is reliable, we cannot make it known to the world; for if China or Russia learns that we got so much timber from America, they would try to interfere with the construction of this line. Or else, the United States may buy from the Fengtien Government all the timber rights on the one hand to protect their own trade with us; on the other, to control the monopoly and incidentally kill our paper industry.

Kirin was known as the "ocean of trees" even in the days of Emperor Chienliung. Added to the original forests are the growths in the intervening years since that time. Imagine the vastness of the resources! To transport this timber from Kirin to Osaka via Changchun and Dairen, there is a distance of 1,385 miles. For every cubic foot, we have to spend 34 cents. Because of this high cost of transportation, we cannot compete with the United States. If the Kirin-Hueining Line is completed, the distance is reduced to about 70 miles. We can ship timber to Osaka at the low rate of 13 cents per cubic foot. We can certainly defeat the timber from the United States then. Supposing we calculate the profit at Yen 5.00 per ton of timber and supposing there are two billion tons of timber, the construction of the railway will bring to us the easy profit of 10 million yen. Besides, we will bar the import of American timber into our country. Furthermore, the industry of furniture making, paper manufacture, and other usages which the cheap timber makes possible will add 20 million yen more to our country's annual income.

There is also the Hsin Chin coal mine, which has a reserve of 600,000,000 tons of coal. The quality of this coal is superior to that of Fushun coal, easy to excavate and suitable for the extraction of petroleum, agricultural fertilizers, and other chemical by-products which we may both use at home and sell in China. There are numerous other advantages which will come to us from the building of the Kirin-Huening Railway. It is all gain without labour. The coal will supplement the Fushun collieries. With both coal mines in our control, we hold the key to the industries of all China. Speaking of the Hsin Chin coal, we shall reap a profit of Yen 5.00 on each ton when it is shipped to Japan. With additional chemical by-products, we shall reap a profit of Yen 16.00 from each ton of coal. Taking an average profit of Yen 15.00 a ton, the total profit will amount to 200 billion yen. All this comes as a by-product from the operation of the Kirin-Hueining Railway. There are, besides, the gold mines along the Mutan River. The acquired rights of the South Manchuria Railway in the gold mines of Chia-Pi-kou in the province of Kirin and the timber in the neighborhood will all be within reach of exploitation once the Kirin-Hueining line is in operation.

In the vicinity of Tunhua, the agricultural products such as oats, wheat, millet, and kaoliang, yield an annual output of over a million catties. There are twenty distilleries of wines, thirty oil mills yielding an annual output of about 600,000 catties of oil and 600,000' of bean cakes, besides many places for making vermicelli. All these will depend upon the new railway. The trade along this load may be estimated at 4 million yen a year. The transportation charges of farm products alone will not only defray the running expenses, but also yield a net profit of Yen 200,000 per year. Including the net profit from timber, coal, and its byproducts transported by the railways, we can safely count on a profit of Yen 8,000,000 a year. Besides, there are indirect benefits such as strengthening of the South Manchurian Railway, the acquisition of rights over forests, mines, and trade as well as the migration of large numbers of our people into North Manchuria. Above all, is the shortening of distance between Japan and the resources of wealth in North Manchuria. It takes only three hours from Chingchin to Hueining, three hours from Hueining to Sanfeng and three hours more from Tumen River to Lung-Ching-Tsun. In 60 hours we can reach the wealth of North Manchuria. Hence the Kirin-Hueining Railroad alone can enable us to tap the immense wealth of North Manchuria.

4. Hunchun-Hailin Railway. This is 173 miles long and costs Yen 24,000,000. All along this line are thick forests. In order to strengthen the Kirin-Hueining Railway and to exploit the forests and mines in North Manchuria, this line is needed. In order to transfer the prosperity of Vladivostok to Hueining, this line is also urgently needed. The greatest hope for prosperity, however, is the fact that south of Naining and north of Tunhua there is Lake Ching Po which can be used to generate electric power. With this electric power, we shall have control over the agricultural and industrial undertakings of the whole of Manchuria and Mongolia. No amount of China's agitation can matter in the least to our industrial developments. According to the investigations of the Manchuria Railway, the water power in the lake can generate at least 800,000 horsepower. With such an enormous quantity of electric power, the industrial conquest of Manchuria and Mongolia can be easily accomplished. In the neighbourhood of this immense power plant, there will be phenomenal growth of wealth. We must build this railway quickly, in order to provide facilities for transportation. Lake Hsing Kai, which is owned jointly by China and Russia, can also be developed for the generation of electricity. In order that these two countries may not combine to frustrate our plans, we should introduce a resolution in the international Conference of Electrical Engineering to be held in Tokyo this year, to the effect that in the same area of electricity supply there should not be two power plants. Besides, in the vicinity of Niigata and Hailin, the Oju Paper Mill has acquired extensive rights of lumbering. They need the immediate establishment of the power plant at Lake Chingpo and the early completion of the Hunchun-Hailin Railway in order to bring to the factory at home the raw materials growing wild in Mongolia.

Moreover, the reason that the Fengtien-Kirin-Wuchang Railway and the Kirin-tien authorities intend to build the Wuchung Railway and the Kirin-Mukden Railway, with Hulutao or Tientsin as seaport, is that they want to recover for themselves the wealth of North Manchuria. By building the Hunchun-Hailin Railway we shall not only strengthen the Kirin-Hueining Railway, but also defeat the Chinese scheme and draw the wealth of Manchuria to Chingchin Harbour. The transportation charges will be two-thirds less compared with the Chinese line and one-third less compared with the Siberian line. They cannot compete with us. Our victory is a foregone conclusion.

The total trade in Manchuria is seven or eight billion yen a year, all of which is in our hands. The business we do in wool, cotton, soybeans, bean cakes, and iron, forms one-twentieth of the total volume of world trade. And it is steadily increasing. But the Namihaya Machi at Dairen (the wealthiest street in the city) is still in Chinese possession. The sad story goes further. Oil is a basic industry in Manchuria. We control only six percent of it. Of the 38 oil mills in Yingkow there is not one Japanese; of the 20 oil mills in Antung there is only one Japanese and of the 82 or 83 oil mills in Dairen there are only seven owned by Japanese. This is by no means an optimistic outlook for us. In order to recover the lost ground, we must first of all develop transportation. Then, by securing a monopoly on both finished products and raw materials, we shall be able to gain the upper hand eventually, furthermore, we ought to assist our people in the oil business by extending to them financial credit, so that the oil industry of the Chinese will be forced out of the market. There are many Chinese on Kawaguchi Machi in Osaka who are dealers of our manufactured goods in Mongolia and Manchuria. They are strong competitors of our own business men in China. Our people are greatly handicapped because of their high standard of living which compels them to figure at a higher percentage of profit. On the other hand, the Chinese also have their disadvantages. The goods that they get are of an inferior quality, but the price that they pay is at least 10 per cent higher than what our own people pay. Besides, they are also obliged to pay Yen 2.70 more than our people for every ton of goods transported, and yet they can undersell our merchants in Manchuria. It clearly shows the inability of our own people. When one thinks of it, it is really pathetic. The Chinese is single-handed, receiving no assistance from the government. But the Japanese in Manchuria has every protection from the government and long-term credit at a low rate of interest. Still there are innumerable cases of failures. Hereafter, we should organize a cooperative exporting house to China. The steamship lines and the South Manchurian Railway should give it special discounts, and the government in Kwantung should extend to it financial credit at a very low rate of interest. Then we can hope to beat the Chinese merchants and recover our trade rights, so that we may develop the special products of Manchuria and send them to all parts of the world.

The first step in gaining financial and commercial control of Manchuria and Mongolia lies in the monopoly sale of their products. We must have the rights of monopoly for the sale of Manchurian and Mongolian products before we can carry out our Continental Policy and prevent the invasion of American capital as well as the influence of the Chinese traders.

Although the products of Manchuria and Mongolia may go through any of the three ports, Dairen, Yingkow and Antung, nevertheless Dairen holds the key to the situation. Every year 7,200 ships pass through this port with a total tonnage of 11,565,000 tons. This represents 70 percent of the total trade of Manchuria and Mongolia. Fifteen navigation routes radiate out from it with definite sailing schedules. Most of it is coastal sailing. We have in our grasp the entire transportation system of Manchuria and Mongolia. The monopoly sale of Manchuria's special products will eventually come into our hands. When that comes true, we can develop our oceanic transportation in order to defeat both Yingkow and Antung. Then the large quantities of beans which the central and southern parts of China consume, will depend upon us entirely. Moreover, the Chinese are an oil eating people. In time of war, we can cut off their oil supply and the life of the whole country will become miserable. Bean cakes are important as fertilizers for the cultivation of rice. If we have control of the source of supply as well as the means of transportation, we shall be able to increase our production of rice by means of a cheap supply of bean-cakes and the fertilizers manufactured as a byproduct at the Fushun coal mines. In this way, we shall have the agricultural work of all China dependent upon us. In case of war, we can put an embargo on bean-cakes as well as the mineral fertilizers and forbid their exportation to Central and South China. Then China's production of food-stuffs will be greatly reduced. This is one way of building up our continental empire which we must not overlook. We should remember that Europe and America also need large quantities of beans and beancakes. When we have a monopoly of the supplies and full control of transportation, both on land and sea, the countries which have need of the special products of Manchuria and Mongolia will have to seek our good will. In order to gain trade monopoly in Manchuria and Mongolia, we must have control of the complete transportation system. Only then can we have the Chinese merchants under our thumb.

However, the Chinese are adepts in learning our tricks and beating us at our own game. We have yet found no way by which we can compete successfully with them in oil-making and sail-boat transportation. After building up the new system of transportation, our policy should bet twofold. On the one hand, wreck the sail-boat trade by means of heavy investment in our own system. On the other hand, encourage our men to learn all they can from the Chinese sail-boat business. Another thing we should be careful about is teaching the Chinese our industrial methods. In the past we have established factories in Manchuria and Mongolia, and carried on industries near the source of raw materials. This gave to the Chinese the opportunity of learning our secrets and establishing competitive factories of their own. Hereafter, we should ship the raw materials back home and do the manufacturing there, and then ship the finished products for sale in China and other countries. In this way we shall gain in three ways: (1) provide work for our unemployed at home; (2) prevent the influx of Chinese into Manchuria and Mongolia, and (3) make it impossible for the Chinese to imitate our new industrial methods. Then iron of Penhsihu and Anshan and the coal of Fushun should also be sent home to be turned into finished products.

For all these considerations, the development of ocean transportation becomes the more necessary. The Dairen Kisen Kaisha Company should be enlarged and our government should extend to it loans at low interest through the South Manchurian Railway company. By next year we should complete 50,000 tons of new ships for oceanic transportation. That will be sufficient to dominate over the traffic of the East. For on the one hand we have the South Manchurian Railway for land transportation; on the other hand, we control the large quantities of products in Manchuria and Mongolia awaiting to be transported. The success of this enlarged activity in oceanic transportation with Dairen as center is assured by the -iron laws of economics.


Although Manchuria and Mongolia are within our field of activities, yet the legal tender there is still silver. It often conflicts with our gold basis and works to our disadvantage. That our people have failed to prosper as they should in these places, is due to the existence of the silver monetary system there. The Chinese have persistently upheld the silver basis, and therefore have made it impossible for us firmly to establish our colonization plans on a firm economic foundation. We have suffered from it the following disadvantages:

1. The money that we bring into Manchuria is of gold standard. When we use it either for daily livelihood or for industry and trade, it has to be exchanged in Chinese silver dollars. The fluctuation of exchange is not infrequently as much as 20 percent, resulting in serious loss to our people. Speculation becomes a regular business and investing money becomes a matter of gambling. When one plans an investment of two hundred thousand yen, one may suddenly find that his capital has been reduced to one hundred and fifty or one hundred sixty thousand dollars due to the drop in exchange. The creditor would then have to call in the loans and business failures have often resulted.

2. The Chinese businessmen use silver money throughout and are free from the effects of the exchange fluctuations. Therefore their "junk" trade is prosperous. Although they have no scientific knowledge of the exchange value of gold and silver, they always gain in the transaction. They have a natural gift for it; we suffer the more. And we lost in spite of our control of the transportation and special backing of banking houses. Because of the handicap of the monetary system, people in Central and South China always buy beans and bean-cakes from their own people. We have no chance against them. In consequence, we cannot conquer the whole of China.

3. With the silver standard in existence, the Chinese Government can increase their notes to counteract our gold notes. Consequently our banks will fail to carry out the mission of extending our country's influence.

4. If the gold standard is adopted, we can issue gold notes freely. With the credit of the gold notes, we can acquire rights in real property and natural resources and defeat the credit of the Chinese silver notes. The Chinese will be unable to compete with us; and the currency of the whole of Manchuria and Mongolia will be in our control.

5. The Government Bank of the Three Eastern Provinces, the Bank of Communications, the Frontier Development Bank and the General Credit and Finance Corporation have in circulation silver notes amounting to $38,000,000. Their reserve funds in the form of buildings and goods are estimated at $1,350,000. It is natural that the Chinese notes should depreciate. It is only by acts of the Government that these notes are still in circulation. Until we have entirely discredited the Chinese silver notes, we will never place our gold notes in their proper place in Manchuria and Mongolia, much less obtain the monopoly in currency and finance of these two countries. With the depreciated and inconvertible silver notes, the government of the Three Eastern Provinces buys all kinds of products, thus threatening our vested interests. When they sell these products, they demand gold from us which they keep for the purpose of wrecking our financial interests including our trade rights in special products. For these reasons, our gold notes are having a harder time and a gold standard for currency becomes the more urgently necessary.

In view of the above-mentioned considerations, we must overthrow Manchuria's inconvertible silver notes and divest the government of its purchasing power. Then we can extend the use of our gold notes in the hope of dominating the economic and financial activities of Manchuria and Mongolia. Furthermore, we can compel the authorities of the Three Eastern Provinces to employ Japanese financial advisers to help us gain supremacy in financial matters. When the Chinese notes are overthrown, our gold notes will take their place.


It has been our traditional policy to exclude from Manchuria and Mongolia investments of a third power. But since the Nine Power Treaty is based on the principle of the International Consortium which regards Manchuria and Mongolia as outside its sphere it becomes anachronistic. We are constantly under the watchful eyes of the Powers, and every step that we take arouses suspicion. This being the case, we better invite foreign investments in such enterprises as the development of electric power or the manufacture of alkali. By using American and European capital, we can further our plans for the development of Manchuria and Mongolia. By so doing, we shall allay international suspicion and clear the way for larger plans on the one hand and induce the Powers to recognize the fact of our special position in that country on the other. We should welcome any power wishing to make investment, but we must not allow China to deal with the leading countries at her will. As we are anxious that the Powers recognize the fact of our special position in Manchuria and Mongolia in political as well as economic affairs, we are obliged to intervene and share all responsibilities with her. To make this a customary practice in our diplomatic dealings, is another important policy for us.


The South Manchurian Railway Company functions in Manchuria as the Governor-General of Korea did there before the annexation. In order to build up our new Continental Empire, we must change the organization of that Company so as to break away from the present difficulties. The functions of this Company are varied and important. Every change of cabinet involves a change of the administration of the South Manchurian Railway, and conversely every activity of the South Manchurian Railway also has important consequences on the cabinet. This is because the South Manchurian Railway is semi-governmental, with final authority resting in the cabinet. For this reason, the Powers invariably look upon the railway as a purely political organ rather than a business enterprise. Whenever a new move is made for the development of Manchuria and Mongolia, the Powers would invoke the Nine Power Treaty to thwart the plans of the South Manchurian Railway. This has greatly damaged the interest of our empire.

Considered from the point of view of domestic administration, the South Manchurian Railway is subject to a quadruple control. There are the Governor of Kwantung, the Chief Executive of Dairen, the Consul-General at Mukden, besides the President of the South Manchurian Railway itself. These four officers must meet and exchange views at Dairen before anything is undertaken. What is discussed in the meeting held in camera often leaks out to the Chinese authorities of the Three Eastern Provinces. They in turn would try to obstruct any forward movements of the South Manchurian Railway authorization, it again has to run the gauntlet at the Departments of Foreign Affairs, of Railways, of Finance and of Army. If these ministers do not agree, the matter is dropped. Therefore, although the present prime minister realizes his now incompetence, he has nevertheless taken concurrently the portfolio of foreign affairs, so that our movements in Manchuria may be kept confidential and the execution of our plans may be swift, and decisive. On account of these reasons, the Manchuria Railway should be radically reorganized. All appurtenant enterprises which are profit-making should be made independent companies under the wings of the South Manchurian Railway, so that we may take determined steps in the conquest of Manchuria and Mongolia. On the other hand, Chinese, Europeans and Americans should be invited to invest money in the South Manchurian Railway on the condition that we have a plurality of its stocks. In that event the control of the company is in our hands, and our mission from the empire can be discharged more vigorously. In short, by inviting international participation in the South Manchurian Railway, we can blind the eyes of the world. Having achieved that, we can push our advance in Manchuria and Mongolia at our will, free ourselves from the restraints of the Nine Power Treaty and strengthen our activities in that country with foreign capital.

The important appurtenant enterprises of the South Manchurian Railway are:

1. Iron and steel. -- Iron and steel are closely connected with national development. Every country today attaches great importance to it. But because of the lack of ores, we have found no solution to this problem. Hitherto we have had to import steel from the Yangtze Valley and the Malay Peninsula. But according to a secret survey of our General Staff, a wealth of iron mines are found in many places in Manchuria and Mongolia. A conservative estimate of the reserve is 10 billion tons. At first when there was a lack of technique, the Anshan Iron and Steel Works was involved in an annual loss of Yen 3,000,000. Later, new methods were discovered, and the technique developed so that during 1926 the loss was only Yen 150,000 and a year later there was a profit of Yen 800,000. If the furnace is improved, we ought to earn at least Yen 4,000,000 a year. By amalgamating it with the Anshan Iron Works, we shall have preventing us from becoming self-sufficient in iron and steel.

The iron deposits in Manchuria and Mongolia are estimated at 1,200,000,000 tons, and the coal deposits 2,500,000,000 tons. This coal ought to be sufficient for smelting the iron ores. With such large amounts of iron and coal at our disposal, we ought to be self-sufficient for at least seventy years. At the rate of $100.00 profit on each ton of steel, for 350,000,000 tons of steel we shall have a profit of Yen 35,000,000,000. This is a tremendous asset to our economic resources. We shall save the expense of Yen 120,000,000 which we pay for the importation of steel every year. When we can have sufficient iron and steel for our own industries, we shall have acquired the secret for becoming the leading nation in the world. Thus strengthened, we can conquer both the East and the West. In order to attain this goal, the iron works must be separated from the South Manchurian Railway. Such unified control will keep China from preventing us to become self-sufficient in iron and steel.

2. Petroleum. -- Another important commodity which we lack is petroleum. It is also essential to the existence of a nation. Fortunately, there lie in the Fushun Coal Mine 5,200,000,000 tons of shale oil, from every hundred catties of which six catties of crude oil may be extracted. By means of American machinery every hundred catties will yield nine catties of refined oil good for motor cars and battleships. At present Japan imports from foreign countries 700,000 tons of mineral oils every year valued at Yen 60,000,000. These figures are on the increase. As there are 50 billion tons of shale in the Fushun mines, the yield calculated at five percent would be 250,000,000 tons; at nine percent, 450,000,000 tons of oil. Taking an average of the two, the yield would be 350,000,000 tons, and assuming the value of the oil to be fifteen yen a ton, the oil shale contained in the Fushun Mine would bring us Yen 2,250,000,000. This will be a great industrial revolution for us. From the standpoint of national defense and national wealth, petroleum is a great factor. Having the iron and petroleum of Manchuria, our army and navy will become impregnable walls of defense. That Manchuria and Mongolia are the heart and liver of our empire, is a truthful saying. For the sake of our empire, we should be congratulated.


Agricultural fertilizer is a great necessity for the production of foodstuffs. Chemical fertilizers depend upon the ammonia sulphate extracted from coal. The Fushun coal yields especially good results. At present, our total consumption of ammonia sulphate is 500,000 tons. Of this, only half is manufactured at home, using the coal from the Kailan or the Fushun Mining Companies. The remaining half is imported from abroad at the cost of Yen 35,000,000 a year. With our agricultural work daily increasing and in view of the development of our new empire in Manchuria and Mongolia, we shall easily need 1,000,000 tons of ammonia sulphate every year during the next ten years. From the soot gathered from the burning of Fushun coal connected with the manufacture of steel, we could produce large quantities of ammonia sulphate. If the yield is put at 300,000 tons a year, we shall add an annual income of more than Yen 40,000,000. In fifty years, this will mount up to Yen 2,000,000,000. This money could be used for the improvement of our agriculture. If there is any surplus, we can buy bean-cakes with it and then invade the farms all over China and in the South Sea Islands. In order to accomplish this, we must separate this enterprise from the South Manchurian Railway. We shall then be able to control the fertilizers of the Far East.


We import 100,000 tons of Soda Ash at the cost of more than Yen 10,000,000 a year. Both soda and soda ash are valuable materials for military and industrial purposes. Soda is derived from nothing more than salt and coal, both of which are cheap and abundant in Manchuria and Mongolia. If we go into this manufacture, we can supply not only ourselves but can also sell it to China with a view to controlling its industrial products. We ought to gain from it a profit of at least Yen 15,000,000 a year. We can also supply our own military and chemical needs. Again this industry must be separated from the South Manchurian Railway.


According to the independent surveys of the South Manchurian Railway Company and Dr. Honta of Tohoku University, magnesium and aluminum are a very promising business (in Manchuria). Magnesium is found in the surroundings of Tashichiao, and aluminum in the vicinity of Yentai. The deposit is one of the largest in the world. A ton of magnesite is worth Yen 2,000 and a ton of aluminum is worth about Yen 1,700. An estimate of the deposits of both minerals in Manchuria is Yen 750,000,000. These substances are especially useful for making aeroplanes, mess kits in the army, hospital apparatus and vessels, and other important industries. The United States alone has extensive deposits of these substances. The output of our country is one ton a year. Such materials are becoming more useful every day, but the supply is insufficient. Its price is growing high, as if never reaching a limit. The deposits in our territory of Manchuria and Mongolia are nothing less than a God-given gift. This metal is really precious, being indispensable to both our industry and national defense. It also should be made an independent business, separate from the South Manchurian Railway. Its manufacture should be in Japan, so as to keep the Fengtien Government from imitating it on the one hand and to avoid the watchful eyes of the British and American capitalists on the other. After we have gained control of it in the Three Eastern Provinces, we may harness the water power of the Yalu River to work on these metal ores. In view of the development of aircraft, in the future all the world will come to us for the materials necessary for aeronautics.

If all the enterprises mentioned above are made independent undertakings, they would make rapid progress and bring us at least a profit of 60 billion yen a year. The industrial development in South Manchuria means much to our national defense and economic progress. It will help us to build the foundation of an industrial empire. As to the cultural undertakings such as hospitals, schools, and philanthropic institutions, they are our signal towers in our advance into Manchuria and Mongolia. They are the institutions for spreading our national prestige and power. More specifically, they are the baits for rights and privileges. Let us separate all these from the South Manchurian Railway in order that we may redouble our efforts and advance into North Manchuria to reclaim the sources of great wealth there.

When these important undertakings become independent and are free to develop without the interference of our officials, they will naturally become channels of national prosperity. On the wings of economic development, we could make rapid advance without either arousing the suspicion of the Powers or the anti-Japanese activities of the people of the Three Eastern Provinces. Such hidden methods would enable us to build the New Continental Empire with ease and efficiency.

The foreign loans for the South Manchurian Railway must be confined to those railroads already completed. Other railways built by us but nominally under Chinese control, can either be amalgamated with the completed lines or made independent according to the desire of the investing nations. The slogan of "Equal Opportunity" helps us to get foreign loans as well as to dispel suspicion of our designs in North Manchuria. At any rate, we shall need foreign capital to develop our Continental Empire. When the South Manchurian Railway is open to foreign investments the Powers will be glad to lend more to us and China can do nothing to block it. This is an excellent way to further our plans in Manchuria. We should lose no time in doing it. As to the wealth concentrated in the northern part of Manchuria and Mongolia, we should do likewise. The two new railways from Kirin to Huening and from Changchun to Talai, as well as the lumber and mining interests, should also be managed as separate institutions.

The South Manchurian Railway will also be greatly enriched by our exploits in North Manchuria. In undertaking this, we must permit foreign investment in the South Manchurian Railway so that any profit that it makes is shared by other nations. When they share in the profits, no one will interfere with our activities in North Manchuria. Already Chinese immigrants are pouring into South Manchuria in large numbers. Their position will become stronger every day. As the right of renting land in the interior is not yet secured, our immigrants are gradually losing ground. Even if our government's backing will maintain our people there, they cannot compete with the Chinese due to the latter's low standard of living. Our only chance now is to defeat the Chinese by heavy capitalization. This again necessitates the use of foreign loans. This is so, especially because the riches of North Manchuria are not even accessible to the Chinese immigrants. We must seize the present opportunity, and hasten the progress of immigration by our own people and take possession of all rights there so as to shut out the Chinese. But in order to encourage immigration, rapid transportation is essential. This will afford both facilities to our people and bringing the natural resources there to the would-be market. Moreover, both Russia and ourselves have been increasing armaments. On account of geographical positions, we have conflicting interests. If we want to obtain the wealth of North Manchuria and to build up the New Continent according to the will of Emperor Meiji, we must rush our people into North Manchuria first and seek to break the friendship between Russia and China. In this way, we can enjoy the wealth of North Manchuria and hold at bay both Russia and China. In case of war, our immigrants in North Manchuria will combine with our forces in South Manchuria and at one stroke settle the problem forever. In case this is not possible they can still maintain their own in North Manchuria and supply the rest of us with food stuffs and raw materials. As the interests of North Manchuria and our country are so wrapped up, we could march directly into North Manchuria and pursue our settled policy.


Our exploitation of Manchuria takes a variety of forms. Often those in authority take such different views that even the most profitable undertaking for our country cannot be carried out. Because of the lack of speed, our secrets are often exposed and are made propaganda materials by the Mukden Government much to the detriment of our country in international relations. Whenever a new undertaking is projected in Manchuria and Mongolia, it will become the subject of discussion of tens of meetings and conferences in Dairen. Not only the approval of the four-headed government there is necessary, but also the sanction of the cabinet at home has to be secured before anything can be carried out. Because of all these obstacles, any undertaking will take months and months before any definite results are seen. In the process it is possible for the Chinese to employ Japanese adventurers to steal our secrets so that before a project is launched it is often reported to the Chinese and in turn it becomes common property of the world. We are suddenly brought under the check of world opinion, and more than once we have incurred hardship in putting into practice our policy toward Manchuria and Mongolia. Furthermore, the opposition party has also made capital out of what they find in these regions in order to attack the government. All these have many serious results on our diplomatic relations. Henceforth, we must change our practice in order to proceed more adroitly. The center of control must be in Tokyo. That will (1) insure secrecy; (2) stop China from knowing beforehand our plans; (3) avoid the suspicion of the Powers before the thing is done; (4) unify the multiple control in Manchuria; and (5) bring the government agencies in Manchuria and Mongolia in close touch with the central government so as to deal with China with undivided power. For these reasons we should follow the original plan for absorbing Korea laid down by Ito and Katsura and establish a Colonial Department, the special function of which is to look after the expansion in Manchuria and Mongolia. The administration of Formosa, Korea, and Saghalien Island may be its nominal function, but our expansion in Manchuria and Mongolia is its real purpose. This will blind the eyes of the world on the one hand and forestall the disclosure of secrets on the other.

It is my personal conviction that the fact that the absorption of Korea could not be effected during the administration of Ito, is due to the lack of a special office for control. Therefore, there were always differences of opinion and secret policies were impossible. Such a state of affairs played into the hand of international obstruction and Korean opposition. Then a number of propagandists went to Europe and America as well as Korea itself, declaring that we firmly respected the independence of Korea and had no designs on an inch of Korean territory. The result of their work was the recovery of international confidence. After that, a Colonial Department was established under the pretence of Formosa. Then we seized the opportunity and the object was gained. It goes to prove that in order to undertake colonization and immigration, a special office for it is absolutely necessary. Moreover, the creation of a new empire in Mongolia and Manchuria is of utmost importance to the existence of Japan. It is necessary to have a special office, in order that the politics in that vast territory may be controlled from Tokio. The officers in the field should only take orders, "they should not interfere with the execution of policies where they please. This will insure secrecy; and the opposition nations have no chance of getting into the secrets of our colonial activities. Then our movements regarding Mongolia and Manchuria will be beyond the reach of international public opinion and we shall be free from interferences.

As to the subsidiary enterprises of the South Manchurian Railway such as the Development Company, the Land Company, and the Trust Company, the power of supervision and planning should also be in the colonial office. They should all be under united control in order that they may all help in the general policy of expansion in Mongolia and Manchuria of the Imperial Government and complete the creation of the new empire.


The Taling River Valley is a wide area sparsely populated but infested with bandits. Many Koreans have made investments here, especially in rice fields. Judging from its resources, this region is bound to be prosperous. It will also be an advantageous foothold for us if we want to expand into the Jehol region. We should give full protection to our Korean subjects here and wait for an opportunity to secure from China the right of colonization so that our immigrants may live here and act as our vanguards to Jehol and Mongolia. In case of warfare, this valley will be a strategic point to quarter large armies of soldiers. We shall then not only check the Chinese soldiers from advancing north, but also hold the key to the immense wealth of South Manchuria. When Koreans come into this region we should finance them through our Trust and other financial organs with a view to gaining for these organs the actual ownership while the Koreans may satisfy themselves with the right of farming only. Ostensibly the ownership of land must reside with the Koreans. It is a convenient way of securing rights from the Chinese government. Henceforth the Trust companies and financial organs should give them full backing when our own and Korean subjects wish to gain land ownership. If they need money to buy farms from the Chinese, the financial organs should also come to their aid. Unnoticeably we shall gain control of the better rice fields which we may give to our own immigrants. They shall displace the Koreans who in turn may go on opening new fields, to deliver to the convenient use of our own people. This is the policy with respect to the colonization of rice fields and bean farms. As to the policy for herd farming, the Development Company should be especially entrusted gradually to expand, eventually placing all the wealth of herds at the disposal of our country.

This same company may also take care of horse breeding and select the best out of Mongolia for the use of our national defense.


Recently the internal disturbances in China have driven large hordes of immigrants into Mongolia and Manchuria, thereby threatening the advance of our migration. For the sake of our activities in this field, we should not fail to take precautions. The fact that the Chinese government welcomes this migration and does nothing to hold back the tide oppresses our policy ever more seriously. A noted American sinologue has made the statement that the Mukden authorities are carrying out such effective government that all people are moving into their territory. Therefore, the influx of immigrants is looked upon as a mark of effective government of Mukden authorities. We, of course, are concerned. Unless we put a stop to it, in less than ten years our own policy of emigration will prove an instrument for China to crush us with. Politically we must use police force to check this tendency as much as possible and economically our financiers should drive the Chinese out with low wages. Furthermore, we must develop and expand electric power to displace human labour. This will keep out Chinese immigrants as well as monopolize the control of motor force as a first step toward controlling the industrial development of this vast region.


Hospitals and schools in Manchuria must be independent of the South Manchurian Railway. For the people have often considered these institutions of imperialism and refuse to have anything to do with them. When these are separated and made independent institutions we shall be able to make the people realize our goodness so that they will be thankful to us . . . But in establishing schools emphasis should be laid on normal schools for men and women. Through these in educational work we may build up a substantial good-will among the people towards Japan. This is our first principle of cultural structure.

{NOTE: See the following for further study into this text: Trotsky on the Tanaka Memorial June 1941, Japan's Dream of World Empire by Carl Crow (1942), The Tanaka Memorial - Authentic or Spurious by John Stephan (1973). See also this text file regarding the forgery. For the text in other languages: Chinese, Japanese, Russian. These documents are also available online. David Bergamini, in his book, Japan's Imperial Conspiracy, had this to say:
Tanaka Memorial
After the conference, on July 25, 1927, Tanaka presented a report to the Throne on the decision which had been made. Chinese intelligence agents tried to reconstruct this report by piecing together fragments which they had obtained of Tanaka's plan and of the position papers which had been delivered by members of the Suzuki Study Group. In their reconstruction the Chinese got the two points of view all mixed up. The result, which they published, became one of the most famous documents in Japanese history -- a pastiche of truths adding up to a gigantic forgery. Under the title, "The Tanaka Memorial," it was widely reprinted in the West, a few years later, as evidence of Japan's piratical aspirations. It permanently confused Western intelligence analysts, leading them to identify Tanaka and his Choshu-Constitutionalist faction with Japanese militarism.
According to the Chinese version of Tanaka's memorial to the Throne, Tanaka advised Emperor Hirohito that "the plan left to us by Emperor Meiji" was first to conquer Manchuria and Mongolia, then to occupy China, then to "crush the United States," and finally to subjugate all Asia "in order to conquer the world." In reality, according to knowledgeable courtiers, Tanaka warned Hirohito that military conquest of Manchuria, Mongolia, and China would lead inevitably to war with the United States and that Japan could not win such a war unless she had already gained economic control of Asia's raw materials and factories.}



(Prepared by Carl L. W. Meyer of the Library of Congress)


In 1919 Baron Kijuro Shidehara was appointed Japanese Ambassador Extraordinary and Plenipotentiary to the United States. Two years prior to that time Mr. Roland Sletor Morris had been entrusted with the position as American Ambassador to Japan. Shortly after the arrival of Baron Shidehara in Washington discussions were begun with a view to come to some agreement between the American and Japanese Governments relative to the immigration of Japanese into the United States. Owing to his official position and to the understanding which he was believed to have in this matter, Ambassador Morris was called in to participate in the Washington conversations.

Shidehara's views on the negotiations. -- A few years later, Baron Shidehara when questioned about the said parleys expressed his views about them as follows (see Bell, Edward P., Japan views the Pacific; conversations on vital international issues with Viscount Kato, Premier, and Baron Shidehara, Foreign Minister in the Imperial Japanese Cabinet. Chicago, the Chicago Daily News, 1925, p. 133):

Those conversations were carried on with earnestness. Both Mr. Morris and myself desired nothing else so much as a solution of the Americano-Japanese racial problem satisfactory to both parties. Our discussions were without any feeling except the feeling of mutual respect and friendship. It was said that the problem turned upon the assimilability or unassimilability of the Japanese as members of the American social community. Touching this question Mr. Morris and I agreed that there had not been time enough to determine whether the Japanese were or were not assimilable in America, as the British and the Scandinavians, for instance, have proved to be in that country. It has been scarcely more than a quarter of a century -- the Morris-Shidehara conversations took place 5 or 6 years ago -- since the Japanese entered America in appreciable numbers. There had not been time to tell whether they would or would not turn out good Americans. We agreed that a practicable plan would be virtually to stop further Japanese immigration in America until the Japanese already there could be given a chance to demonstrate their quality in respect of assimilation into the general American social body. At this point I emphasized what I deemed a substantial condition, namely, that while the test was proceeding every encouragement be given the Japanese in America to adopt the American standpoint and way of life if they could. * * *

My point of view, as expressed to Mr. Morris, was that America, in dealing with her Japanese population, well might consider our mistake respecting a certain part of our population. It seemed to me, and I so stated, that an attitude of sympathy, of welcome, of invitation to assimilation, might yield a result diametrically different from that of an attitude of coldness or persecution or ostracism. * * *

Your Ambassador, Mr. Morris, raised two points in criticism of conditions in Japan relative to the relations of America and this country. He liked neither our law of nationality nor our law of property, affecting aliens. At that time a Japanese subject, wherever born, remained a Japanese subject in the view of Japanese law unless and until such subject, by his own act, renounced his Japanese citizenship and adopted another. Now, under American law, a person born in America becomes an American citizen without any act of his own -- acquires American citizenship automatically by virtue of birth in the country. It followed therefore, that American-born Japanese inherited two citizenships, Japanese and American. Mr. Morris objected to this dual allegiance, and his objection seemed to me reasonable. His position concerning our law of property I also felt able to regard not unfavorably. On my return to Japan, and on becoming minister for foreign affairs, I recommended to the diet an alteration of our laws of nationality and property in accordance with the point of view urged upon me by Mr. Morris. My recommendation prevailed. Our laws were changed. As to Japanese emigration to the United States, we stopped it in conformity with the terms of the "gentlemen's agreement."

The gentlemen's agreement referred to by Baron Shidehara is also known as the Root-Takahira agreement concluded in 1907 and elaborated in 1908. Under this understanding, the exact terms of which have not been published by the Government, Japan is said to have undertaken to prevent by its own authorities the emigration of Japanese laborers to the United States (see U. S. Congress, House, Committee on Immigration and Naturalization, hearings, Japanese immigration, Washington, Government Printing Office, 1921, vol. 1, p. 30).

It has been stated that in 1920 a new treaty was about to be laid for final decision before the Washington and Tokyo Governments by the two negotiators, Ambassador Morris and Ambassador Shidehara (see Iyenaga, T., and Sato, K., Japan and the California problem. New York, London, Putnam's Sons, 1921, p. 186.). But according to information from the State Department at Washington no agreement was reached by Mr. Morris and Baron Shidehara. Up to the present time, according to the same source, the documents relating to the correspondence and conversations of the negotiators have not been published by the Government. Mr. Morris resigned from his post as Ambassador to Japan in 1921.

Senator Johnson's Speech of March 27, 1922. -- Mr. Hiram W. Johnson, the senior Senator from California in his speech before the United States Senate on March 27, 1922, referring to the said conversations, made the following statement (Congressional Record, vol. 62 (March 27, 1922), p. 4613-4611):

For a period of some months Mr. Morris, who represented the United States in Japan, and Baron Shidehara, the Japanese Ambassador here, were engaged in many meetings for the purpose of seeing whether they could arrive at some conclusion which could be reported to their respective Governments.

I happen to be familiar with what occurred under the previous administration. I claim no familiarity with what has since transpired ; but I happen to know that after months of negotiation Mr. Morris and Baron Shidehara united in a report, a report wholly unsatisfactory to the people whom I represent, but a report that is on file now in the State Department concerning the matters which had occurred between the Japanese Empire on the one hand and the United States on the other, arising out of the alien land laws of this country, and arising out of the question of Japanese immigration.


(See the following references: Congressional Record, vol. 65 (April 11, 19241, p. 6073-6074. -- Ibid. (April 12,1924), p.6225ff. -- Ibid. (April 14, 1924), p. 6302ff. -- Inui, Kiyo Sue, The unsolved problem of the Pacific, Tokyo, 1925, p. 380ff., 525ff.- Treat, Payson, J., Japan and the United States, 1853-1921, revised and continued to 1928, Stanford University Press, 1928, p. 289ff. -- World Peace Foundation, Pamphlets, vol. 7, 1924, p. 306ff. -- Association for International Conciliation, Documents for the year 1925, p. 175ff. -- Trevor, John B., Japanese exclusion, a study of the policy and the law, Washington, Government Printing Office, 1925, p. 36ff.)

The Immigration Bill. -- On March 24, 1924, the House Committee on Immigration and Naturalization reported a bill (H. R. 7995) entitled: "A bill to limit the immigration of aliens into the United States, and for other purposes; with amendments," (Rept. No. 356; see Congressional Record, vol. 65 (March 24, 1924), p. 4912.) Section 12 (b) of this bill read as follows (Congressional Record, vol. 65 (April 12, 1924), p. 6247.):

No alien ineligible to citizenship shall be admitted to the United States unless such alien (1) is admissible as a non-quota immigrant under the provisions of subdivisions (b), (d), or (g) of section 4; or (2) is the wife or unmarried child under 18 years of age, of an immigrant admissible under such subdivision (d), and is accompanying or following to join him; or (3) is not an immigrant as defined in section 3.

The exceptions enumerated above thus did admit to the United States persons returning from a temporary visit abroad, merchants, ministers, university professors, and bona fide students. The immigration bill which contained the exclusion clause cited above was adopted by the House on April 12, 1924, by a vote of 323 to 71, with 37 Members not voting (Ibid., p. 6257).

Hanihara's Protest to the Department of State. -- On April 10, 1924, that is, two days prior to the adoption of the bill by the House, Mr. Masanao Hanihara, the Japanese Ambassador in Washington, addressed to Mr. Charles E. Hughes, then Secretary of State of the United States, a note which contained the following passages (Congressional Record, vol. 65 (April 11, 1924), pp. 6073-6074):

It is needless to add that it is not the intention of the Japanese Government to question the sovereign right of any country to regulate immigration to its own territories. Nor is it their desire to send their nationals to the countries where they are not wanted. On the contrary, the Japanese Government showed from the very beginning of this problem their perfect willingness to cooperate with the United States Government to effectively prevent, by all honorable means, the entrance into the United States of such Japanese nationals as are not desired by the United States, and have given ample evidence thereof, the facts of which are well known to your Government. To Japan the question is not one of expediency but of principle. To her the mere fact that a few hundreds or thousands of her nationals will or will not be admitted into the domains of other countries is immaterial so long as no question of national susceptibilities is involved. The important question is whether Japan, as a nation, is or is not entitled to the proper respect and consideration of other nations. In other words, the Japanese Government asks of the United States Government simply that proper consideration ordinarily given by one nation to the self-respect of another, which, after all, forms the basis of amicable international intercourse throughout the civilized world.

It is, indeed, impossible for my Government and people, and I believe it would be impossible also for your Government and for those of your people who had made a careful study of the subject, to understand why it should be necessary for your country to enact, as the law of the land, such a clause as section 12 (b) of the House immigration bill.

As is justly pointed out in your letter of February 8, 1924, to the chairman of the House Committee on Immigration, it is idle to insist that the provision is not aimed at the Japanese, for the proposed measure (sec. 25) continues in force your existing legislation regulating Chinese immigration and the barred-zone provisions of your immigration laws which prohibit immigration from certain other portions of Asia, to say nothing about the public statements of the sponsors and supporters of that particular provision as to its aim. In other words, the manifest object of the said section 12 (b) is to single out Japan as a nation, stigmatizing them as unworthy and undesirable in the eyes of the American people. * * *

Relying upon the confidence you have been good enough to show me at all times, I have stated or rather repeated all this to you very candidly and in a most friendly spirit, for I realize, as I believe you do, the grave consequences which the enactment of the measure retaining that particular provision would inevitably bring upon the otherwise happy and mutually advantageous relations between our two countries.

Accept, sir, the renewed assurances of my highest consideration.


Effect of the note on the Senate. -- On the same day (April 10) Secretary of State Hughes addressed a letter (for text of this letter see Congressional Record, vol. 65 (April 11, 1924), p. 6073) to Senator LeBaron B. Colt, chairman of the Senate Committee on Immigration, together with a copy of the Japanese Ambassador's note quoted in part above.

A few days prior to the receipt of the Hanihara note Senator Reed of Pennsylvania in agreement with certain suggestions from Secretary Hughes had proposed to the Senate the elimination of certain sections from the bill (S. 2576) which he believed to be objectionable to the Japanese (see ibid. (April 7, 1924), p. 5741f). On April 7 Senator Reed asked Senator Shortridge in the Senate (Ibid., p. 5744): "Was it not very plainly stated in the letter of Secretary Hughes to Congressman Johnson on February 8 that the violation of the treaty was but one of his reasons, and that the reason he most strongly urged was that of a statutory exclusion would be deeply resented by the Japanese people, and was unnecessary?" And again on the following day Senator Reed declared (Ibid. (April 8, 1924), p. 5810): ''The Japanese Government does not wish to colonize the United States and does not wish to force her emigration into our ports. But they are a proud people, everybody knows that, and they would resent an exclusion law just as we would resent an exclusion law passed by Japan."

The Hanihara note of April 10, with its warning that ''grave consequences" would ensue if the exclusion bill were adopted, was a great shock to the entire Senate. On April 14, when the note came up for discussion in the Senate, Senator Lodge moved "that the Senate proceed to consider the pending amendment in secret legislative session." (Congressional Record, vol. 65 (April 14, 1924), p. 6302). Under the motion of Senator Lodge, seconded by Senator Reed of Pennsylvania, and under the rules of the Senate, the Sergeant at Arms cleared the galleries and closed the doors of the Senate Chamber. After 50 minutes spent in secret legislative session (the minutes of the secret legislative session have not been published by the Government) the doors were reopened and the debate upon the floor was openly resumed.

Senator Lodge's remarks in secret legislative session as repeated by him in open session clearly shows the effect the Hanihara letter had on the Senate. Said Senator Lodge (Congressional Record, vol. 65 (April 14, 1924), p. 6305):

Mr. President, I do not intend to say anything at all upon this amendment affecting the exclusion of Japanese immigrants beyond a few words that I said when the doors were closed; but as the session has been made open, and the subject brought up in open session, I think it proper that I should state very briefly what I said behind closed doors.

I have always been very friendly to the Japanese people. I have tried to do everything in my power to promote good relations between their country and ours. I think that may be said to have been shown in the negotiation of the treaties of the Washington conference. I had intended to do all in my power to make the legislation in the present bill as easy for them and for their feelings as possible. But, Mr. President, the question of immigration -- and I am only about to repeat what has been often said -- is perhaps the greatest of fundamental sovereign rights. If a country cannot say who shall come into the country, it has ceased to be a sovereign country; it has become a subject country.

Mr. President, I regret to say that the letter addressed to our State Department by the ambassador from Japan seems to me a letter improper to be addressed by the representative of one great country to another friendly country. It contains 1 regret much to say, a veiled threat. Now, Mr. President, the United States cannot legislate by the exercise of any other country of veiled threats. Owing to this, what we are now doing assumes the character of an international precedent; and I think it should be understood, and understood by the whole world, that the United States alone is to say who shall come into the United States to form part of its citizenship. What our country determines as to its immigration is neither a just cause of offense nor a subject for war or threats of war. It is an undoubted sovereign right and nothing else. * * *

The letter of the Japanese ambassador, Mr. President, has created a situation which makes it impossible for me to support the pending amendment. * * * I never will consent to establish any precedent which will give any nation the right to think that they can stop by threats or by compliments the action of the United States when it determines who shall come within its gates and become part of its citizenship. That is a decision which belongs to the United States alone, and from that decision there can be no appeal.

Senator Reed of Pennsylvania, who followed Senator Lodge on the floor, remarked (Congressional Record, vol. 65 (April 14, 1924), p. 6305) that one of the principal points which the Committee on Immigration had in mind when it adopted the amendments to the bill "was to do nothing offensive to the Japanese." One of the committee's purposes, he said, was to recognize the "gentlemen's agreement"; and

We felt, further, that the restriction of Japanese immigration could best be accomplished by combining the "gentlemen's agreement" with a very rigid quota law which would hold down the number of Japanese to the minimum, for at the same time we would thus get the cooperation of the Japanese Government in applying that quota law.

Now, however, declared Senator Reed:

I think the situation has changed. I think it ceases to be a question whether this is a desirable method of restricting Japanese immigration. The letter of the Japanese ambassador puts the unpleasant burden upon us of deciding whether we will permit our legislation to be controlled by apprehensions of grave consequences with other nations if we do not follow a particular line of legislative conduct. I, for one, feel compelled, on account of that veiled threat, to vote in favor for the exclusion and against the committee amendment.

I say that with deep regret, because I believe that this action, which is forced upon us, means the waste of much of the results of 20 years of excellent diplomacy. It means the waste of much of the good feeling that followed the ratification of the four-power treaty and it means a loss of part of the good relations that followed the prompt and friendly action of America after the Japanese earthquake of last year. When I vote against the committee amendment I expect to do so with a sad heart.

Senator Swanson of Virginia who even prior to Japanese interference with American legislation believed in rigid restriction of Japanese immigration into the United States said (Congressional Record, vol. 65 (Apr. 14, 192-1), p. 6305-6306):

I was not for this amendment even before we received the remarkable communication from the Japanese ambassador. I spoke against the so-called gentlemen's agreement several days ago. I think of all the important questions in America none can transcend in importance the question of immigration. In the present condition in America and the conditions in the world of all questions the most important is the question of immigration.

This question of immigration with Japan has been a disturbing factor for a great many years. We made concession after concession to Japan, but we seem not to have been able to settle the difference. I have great respect for Japan as a nation and its citizens have many admirable qualities. I wish nothing for that nation but prosperity and progress and I have for them great good will. But whatever might be my feeling for Japan I have a higher respect, a deeper regard for the rights of my own country. I for one will never consent that the question of immigration in America shall be decided or administered by any outside influence. We have the right to determine who shall and who shall not come to this country. We concede to Japan the same right to determine who shall and who shall not come to their country. We assume no right that we do not willingly concede to Japan.

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Senator Sterling of South Dakota, on the other hand, expressed his regret (Congressional Record, vol. 65 (April 14, 1924), p. 6308) that the discussion should turn altogether upon the question raised by the letter of the Japanese Ambassador to this country.

If we are going to exclude Japanese immigrants---

said Senator Sterling---

let us exclude them because it is the wholesome thing, the right thing, the just thing to do for the United States and for the American people, and let us not make the letter of the Japanese Ambassador the pretext for our action here today in defending the amendment of the committee or in adopting the amendment of the Senator from California.

The vote of the Senate on the proposed amendment (see ibid., p. 6315) of the immigration bill was taken on the same day (April 14). By a vote of 76 to 2 (with 18 Senators abstaining from voting) the Senate rejected the amendment intended to recognize the "gentlemen's agreement." On April 16, the Senate by a vote of 71 to 4 adopted a new amendment which provided for the exclusion of aliens "ineligible to citizenship." And 2 days later, the Senate voted to strike out all of the House bill (H. R. 7995) with the exception of the enacting clause, and substitute the Senate bill for the same. This bill which was passed by a vote of 62 to 6 was then sent to conference. The House also agreed (April 19, 1924) to a conference and, like the Senate, appointed 5 managers. Exclusion, according to the Senate bill was to be made effective at once, while the House bill provided that it should become effective on July 1, 1924.


President Coolidge's proposed amendments of the bill became the subject of considerable debate in Congress and during the discussions of the committee. The conference committee, composed of representatives of both Houses of Congress, held meetings on April 25, 26, 29, 30, and on May 1, 3, and 6, 1924 (see Congressional Record, vol. 65 (May 9, 1924), p. 8235). Some time prior to May 1, President Coolidge suggested that the immigration bill postpone the application of the exclusion provision until March 1, 1926, and furthermore, add the following amendment to the end of subdivision (b) of section 12 of the House bill (Ibid., p. 8235):

Provided, however, That the provisions of this paragraph shall not apply to the nationals of those countries which the United States, after the enactment of this act shall have entered into treaties by and with the advice and consent of the Senate afor the restriction of immigration.

Subdivision (b) of section 12 as the bill passed the House would thus read as follows (Ibid.):

(b) On and after March 1, 1926, no alien ineligible to citizenship shall be admitted to the United States unless such alien (1) is admissible as a non-quota immigrant under the provisions of subdivision (b), (d), or (g) of section 4, or (2) is the wife, or the unmarried child under 18 years of age, of an immigrant admissible under such subdivisions (d), and is accompanying or following to join him, or (3) is not an immigrant as defined in section 3: Provided, however, That the provisions of this paragraph shall not apply to the nationals of those countries with which the United States, after the enactment of this act, shall have entered into treaties by and with the advice and consent of the Senate for the restriction of immigration.

The conferees, however, did not agree to the President's proposals which would have made it possible for him to restrict Japanese immigration by treaty. Instead, the conferees adopted subdivision (b) of section 12 of the House bill as it passed the House, and the provisions of section 31 of the House bill which made effective subdivision (b) of section 12 on July 1, 1924. (It was agreed that the exclusion clause should not go into effect until July 1, so as to give the Japanese then on the high seas a chance to enter the United States.) On May 6, 1924, the conference committee, at about 5:30 p. m., "came to a full and complete agreement," and then adjourned until the following day at 3 p. m. for the purpose of signing the conference report. But in the morning of May 7, before the conferees had had a chance to sign the report, President Coolidge invited the majority conferees to the White House. There they met the President on the same forenoon. A conference was had and the conferees were asked to postpone Japanese exclusion until March 1, 1925. The proposal which was to assume the form of an amendment to be added at the end of subdivision (c), section 13, had the following tenor (Congressional Record, vol. 65 (May 9. 1S24), p. 8231):

Provided, That this subdivision shall not take effect as to exclusion until March 1, 1925, before which time the President is requested to negotiate with the Japanese Government in relation to the abrogation of the present arrangement on this subject.

This, as has been seen, was the second attempt of the President to delay the exclusion of the Japanese from the United States. When the conference committee met on May 7, 1924, at 3 p. m. for the purpose of signing the report as agreed upon May 6, they were confronted with the above proposal. A motion was made to reconsider subdivision (c) of section 13 of the conference report, and it was agreed that the President's amendment should be adopted and the report thus amended be reported to the two Houses. "The conference report," observed one of the conferees (Representative John E. Raker, of California. (see U. S. House of Representatives, 68th Cong., 1st sess., Rept. No. 688, p. 1; see also Congressional Record, vol. 65, pp. 8218, 8236)), "was submitted to the House as thus amended by Mr. Johnson, chairman of the House conferees, on May 8, 1924, at 5 p. m., and ordered to be printed."

A number of Congressmen severely criticized the report. The fear was expressed that by postponing the application of the exclusion provision to March 1, 1925, President Coolidge would conclude a treaty with Japan which would render the exclusion law impotent. Judge Raker, a Representative from California, in debating this point, declared (Congressional Record, vol. 65, p. 9232, 9233):

Immigration is purely a domestic question, solely within the control of Congress through its legislative power, the President having no control save and except in vetoing or approving legislative acts. The President of the United States has no constitutional authority or right with reference to legislative matters, except by advice, by message to the Congress, or by action of approval or disapproval of final legislative action, and therefore a transfer of the control of the immigration to the United States to the treaty-making power excludes the House of Representatives from any right or control of the terms of said treaty, is contrary to our form of Government, and a yielding of the rights of the House to deal with immigration hereafter. This must not be. * * * The President has no power to enter into a treaty in regard to immigration whereby he may say that a foreign country can determine whom to consult as to how immigration shall come to this country, because it is the yielding of sovereign power. The American people alone have the power to say who shall come and who shall stay away, and not under any circumstances to take into consideration the voice of the foreign country. If they did, we have yielded, we have waived the sovereign right of a sovereign nation to stand for itself.

After a spirited debate in the House on May 9, 1924, Mr. Otis Wingo, Representative from Arkansas, asked unanimous consent that the motion to recommit as amended be read. There being no objection, the clerk read as follows (Congressional Record, vol. 65 (May 9, 1924), p. 8249):

Motion by Mr. Sabath to recommit the bill to the committee of conference, with instructions to the conferees on the part of the House not to agree to the proviso reported in the bill submitted by the conference committee, beginning in line 2, page 24, and reading as follows: "Provided, That this subdivision shall not take effect as to the exclusion until March 1, 1925, before which time the President is requested to negotiate with the Japanese Government in relation to the abrogation of the present arrangement on this subject."

The motion to recommit the bill to conference with instructions not to agree to the postponement clause suggested by President Coolidge was then adopted by a vote of 192 to 171, 69 Members not voting (Ibid.).

The removal of the postponement clause and the enactment of the immigration bill followed within a short space of time. The revised conference report, without the provision delaying the exclusion of Japanese immigrants until March 1, 1925, was ordered to be printed on May 12, 1924 (U. S. House of Representatives, 68th Cong., 1st sess., House Reports, v. 4. Report No. 716, p. 1-20). As printed in the report, section 30 of the bill provided that the act entitled "An act to limit the immigration of aliens into the United States," approved on May 19, 1921,

as amended and extended, shall, notwithstanding its expiration on June 30, 1924, remain in force thereafter for the imposition, collection, and enforcement of all penalties that may have accrued thereunder, and any alien who prior to July 1, 1924, may have entered the United States in violation of such act or regulations made thereunder may be deported in the same manner as if such act had not expired.

In respect of the time of taking effect of the provisions of the bill, section 31 stipulated as follows (Ibid., p. 17-18):

SEC. 31. (a) Sections 2, 8, 13, 14, 15, and 16, and subdivision (f) of section 11, shall take effect on July 1, 1924, except that immigration visas and permits may be issued prior to that date, which shall not be valid for admission to the United States before July 1, 1924. In the case of quota immigrants of any nationality, the number of immigration visas to be issued prior to July 1, 1924, shall not be in excess of 10 per centum of the quota of such nationality, and the number of immigration visas shall be deducted from the number which may tie issued during the month of July 1924. In the case of immigration visas issued before July 1, 1924, the four-month period referred to in subdivision (c) of section 2 shall begin to run on July 1, 1924, instead of at the time of the issuance of the immigration visa.

(b) The remainder of this Act shall take effect upon its enactment.

(c) If any alien arrives in the United States before July 1, 1924, his right to admission shall be determined without regard to the provisions of this Act, except section 23.

The new conference report of May 12, 1924, was approved, and the immigration bill passed the House of Representatives on May 15 by a vote of 308 to 62 (Coneressional Record, vol. 65 (May 15, 1924), p. 8652), and the Senate on the same day by a vote of 69 to 9 (Ibid., p. 8589). The bill was then sent to the President for his approval (Ibid. (May 19, 1924), p. 8958).


President Coolidge, on May 26, 1924 (Public No. 139; Congressional Record, vol. 65 (May 31, 1924), p. 10068), signed the Immigration Act entitled "An act to limit the immigration of aliens into the United States, and for other purposes." On the same day the President issued a statement to the press in which he gives his reasons for signing the act. The tenor of the Presidential statement is as follows (House Hearings (Dec. 26, 27, and 31. 1923; Jan, 2, 3, 4. 5, 7, 8, 10, and 19, 1924), on "Restriction of Immigration," Washington, Government Printing Office, 1925, p. 1409-1410):

In signing this bill, which in its main features, I heartily approve, I regret the impossibility of severing from it the exclusion provision which, in the light of existing law, affects especially the Japanese.

I gladly recognize that the enactment of this provision does not imply any change in our sentiment of admiration and cordial friendship for the Japanese people, a sentiment which has had and will continue to have abundant manifestation.

The bill rather expresses the determination of the Congress to exercise its prerogative in defining by legislation the control of immigration instead of leaving it to international arrangements. It should be noted that the bill exempts from the exclusion provision government officials, those coming to this country as tourists or temporarily for business or pleasure, those in transit, seamen, those already resident here and returning from temporary absences, professors, ministers of religion, students, and those who enter solely to carry on trade in pursuance of existing treaty provisions.

But we have had for many years an understanding with Japan by which the Japanese Government has voluntarily undertaken to prevent the emigration of laborers to the United States, and in view of this historic relation and of the feeling which inspired it, it would have been much better in my judgment, and more effective in the actual control of immigration, if we had continued to invite the cooperation which Japan was ready to give and had thus avoided creating any ground for misapprehension by an unnecessary statutory agreement.

That course would not have derogated from the authority of the Congress to deal with the question in any exigency requiring its action. There is scarcely any ground for disagreement as to the result we want, but this method of securing it is unnecessary and deplorable at this time.

If the exclusion provision stood alone I should disapprove it without hesitation, if sought in this way at this time. But this bill is a comprehensive measure dealing with the whole subject of immigration and setting up the necessary administrative machinery. The present Quota Act, of 1921, will terminate on June 30 next. It is of great importance that a comprehensive measure should take its place, and that the arrangements for its administration should be provided at once in order to avoid hardship and confusion.

I must therefore consider the bill as a whole, and the imperative need of the country for legislation of this general character. For this reason the bill is approved.


(Congressional Record, vol. 65 (April 9, 1924), p. 5951-5952)

On April 9, 1924, the Senate, as in Committee of the Whole, had resumed the consideration of the Senate bill (S. 2676) to limit the immigration of aliens into the United States, and for other purposes. The pending amendment to the immigration bill was that which proposed first to strike out from the bill the words relating to the gentlemen's agreement, found on lines 7 and 8, page 5, and then adding the various provisions suggested in the amendment by Senator Shortridge.

Senator Hiram W. Johnson, of California, in his speech of April 9, 1924, before the Senate referred to the necessity of the adoption of the proposed amendments and pointed out the importance of the immigration question not merely to California but to the Nation as a whole. The text of Senator Johnson's speech follows:

The design, of course, of the amendment that has been presented, Mr. President, is to strike out first the words now in lines 7 and 8 of page 5 of the bill in order that we may eliminate, if we can, the gentlemen's agreement or gentlemen's agreements which may now exist between this country and other countries, and then specifically provide for those who may be admissible under the bill.

The question is far greater than a question of a particular or specific locality. It is, in my opinion, a question fundamental in its scope. It involves, indeed, the exercise of the power which unquestionably rests in the Congress of the United States and the power which any nation of necessity must have in relation to its immigration problems. It has been said so often that it is quite trite to repeat it that immigration is a domestic question; that it is, indeed, the right of any nation for itself to determine who may come within its borders, and particularly it is the prerogative of the Congress of the United States to decree what it may see fit concerning immigration.

Those who come from the territory from which I come have been for many years in the past acutely interested in the immigration problem in one aspect, and, of course, in the immigration problem in its larger aspect, too. We have had in existence, as has been stated upon the floor here, a gentlemen's agreement with Japan, the design of which was to prevent the coming of laborers into the territory of the West, and to preclude the economic difficulties which subsequently might arise from immigration of those who are unassimilable in character, and who constantly, continuously, and forever owe their allegiance to a foreign power. For some reason that I never have been able wholly to fathom, the United States Government yielded its right to determine the character of its immigration from the Japanese Empire as it has yielded it in the case of no other nation. In respect to every other country our Government not only has tenaciously held to the right but has jealously guarded the right of determining who could come, in what numbers, and in every particular has insisted that our Government alone should be the sole judge; and a fundamental proposition it will be obvious that a nation must guard this right, or a nation yields at once its jurisdiction and its control over that which peculiarly is its own province.

In the instance in respect to Japan, yielding perhaps to a pride or presumption asserted by no other land, we entered into what was termed the gentlemen's agreement. Those of us who have eyes and may see, who are residents of California, know that the gentlemen's agreement has not been effective. In my own experience, it required no taking of a census either by the Federal authorities or by those representing Japan, as a census was taken at one time, nor does it require the activities of the board of control of the State of California, as evidenced in their report of a year or two ago upon the number of Japanese in our State, to know what has transpired.

In the city in which I was born, for instance, Mr. President, the city of Sacramento, when I left there a quarter of a century ago there probably was no part of that city distinctly Japanese at all. When I returned there as Governor of California some years later some blocks had been acquired by Japanese, and in late years a thriving part of the city has been devoted for very many blocks to the Japanese residents of that particular community; all this in spite of the fact that a gentlemen's agreement presumably was in force which precluded the possibility of a large influx of Japanese.

When I was a lad I recall, sir, that the territory surrounding the city of Sacramento was devoted to farms which furnished adequate living and occupation to many of our race; farms where the produce of all northern California, indeed, was brought to the cities for distribution. In later years as a fact I observed that the produce of northern California, ninety-odd percent of it, was brought into the city of Sacramento and into adjacent cities by Japanese farmers, and that the lands which had furnished happy homes to thousands of our people had been acquired by Japanese agriculturists. The evidence is plenary to the eye -- it requires nothing more with one familiar with the situation -- that the influx has been continuous, constantly increasing, and that the gentlemen's agreement has not worked at all. It is perfectly obvious, it seems to me, that when a country resigns its right to control those who are to come into it from, another country, pressure necessarily will be brought by the residents of that other country upon their officials, so that the administration of any agreement thus intrusted to any foreign power will be lax, and will not be of the sort that we desire.

We have had the opportunity of contrast between the exercise of the policy by the Government itself in an exclusion law and the administration of a policy by a foreign country that has exactly the same design. We have the Chinese exclusion law under which, because of the enactment of the Congress of the United States, the number of Chinese has constantly decreased. We have the gentlemen's agreement, where Japan exercised the original right, under which the Japanese inhabitants of our territory have constantly increased.

Fundamentally, therefore, our country ought to pursue the policy in respect to immigration in regard to the Japanese that it has pursued in respect to every other country. We have relinquished our sovereignty in this regard to only one country -- ^that is, Japan -- and if the question, therefore, were merely academic, there ought to be no doubt, it seems to me, in regard to the adoption of the amendment that has been suggested.

Another aspect of the amendment that is appealing, too, is that it maintains the naturalization laws and the naturalization policy of our country. To enact the language that has been suggested by the bill would be not only an abrogation of our immigration policy but a nullification, too, of our naturalization policy; and the naturalization policy that is suggested by the amendment refers to no one race, but refers only to those who are ineligible to citizenship, and the language employed is the language employed by the naturalization laws themselves. We seek, Mr. President, no discrimination by the amendment against Japan. What is sought, if the amendment be no agreed to, is a discrimination against the United States of America, and it is the latter that we would prevent if we could, by the amendment.

That you may not think that we ask something that is not justified and warranted by the facts, I do not recite at length the history of the gentlemen's agreement, but I recall just one phase. of it, and that is that when the gentlemen's agreement originally was adopted it was stated with clarity and agreed to by all that if it were not effective an exclusion policy would be adopted by this country by congressional enactment, and that exclusion policy would be similar to that which had been adopted so far as the Chinese were concerned. The time has arrive when the demonstration is absolute that the gentlemen's agreement does not prohibit; and because it does not prohibit we have reached the stage that was agreed originally, that if it did not prohibit we would enact, under the policy that we have ever pursued and the power that exists in the Government, a law which would be essential to carry out the original design of the gentlemen's agreement.

I have stated as briefly as I could the purposes of the amendment. There is no purpose in it to be offensive to any nation. The policy has offended no nation thus far, and the policy suggested is that which has been adopted with respect to every nation on the face of the earth save one; and in our opinion there can be no legitimate reason for making the exception in the one instance and the rule applicable in every other instance.

If it be asserted at all that what is asked by us is in conflict with the treaty that has been entered into of 1911, I call attention to pages 2 to 6 of the House committee report, demonstrating conclusively that the language employed is language which has been suggested to avoid the very idea of conflict with the treaty, and that it makes the particular amendment conform entirely to our treaty.

Upon every consideration we insist, therefore -- considerations that you may assert to be local in character, but which I deny, because the question is broader than that; considerations of carrying our the definite policy concerning naturalization; considerations of carrying out as well the policy we have adopted with every other nation concerning immigration; above and beyond that, the consideration of having the prerogative that exists in the Congress of the United States exercised in the place where it ought to be exercised, the Congress of the United States -- the amendment ought to be adopted.


Historical outline. -- The power to regulate immigration, says John Bassett Moore (Moore, A Digest of International Law, Washington, Government Printing Office, 1905, vol. IV, sec. 561, p. 151, 152), generally acknowledged as America's foremost authority on international law --

is an incident of the sovereign right to expel or exclude objectionable aliens. The exercise of the power in a particular country is governed by the constitution and laws. In the United States it belongs to the National Government, as part of its power to regulate commerce. * * * The plenary power of the legislative branch of the Government to provide for the exclusion of aliens applies to those who have acquired a domicile in the United States, as well as to those who have not.

Under statute enacted as early as April 14, 1802, it was provided that only free white persons were eligible for citizenship in the United States. This statute was subsequently amended by the act of 1870 under which the privilege of citizenship was extended to aliens of African nativity and to persons of African descent. Thus the law, as consolidated in the Revised Statutes (Rev. Stats, sec. 2169), observes Mr. Moore, embraces only white persons and persons of African descent (Moore, op. cit., vol. III, sec. 383, p. 320, citing acts of April 14, 1802, 2 Stat. 153; May 26, 1824, 4 Stat. 69; July 14, 1870, 16 Stat. 254; February 18, 1875, 18 Stat. 318: Rev. Stats., sec. 2169. See also Moore, American Diplomacy, p. 193).

Beginning with 1882, the United States, by successive acts of Congress, undertook to exclude Chinese immigrants (see U.S. Department of Labor, Bureau of Immigration, Treaty, laws, and rules governing the admission of Chinese, Washington, Government Printing Office, 1917) as well as --

persons who are natives of islands not possessed by the United States adjacent to the Continent of Asia * * * or who are natives of any country, province, or dependenty situate on the Continent of Asia, as specified by the Act of 1917 (39 Statutes at Large 876, sec. 3). Section 9 of this act also provided that it shall be unlawful for any transportation company, or the owner, master, agent, or consignee of any vessel to bring to the United States "any alien who is excluded by the terms of section 3 of this act as a native of that portion of the Continent of Asia and the islands adjacent thereto described in said section.'' (39 Statutes at Large 881)

As has been noted above, the strong opposition to the immigration of Japanese laborers into the United States, which was emphasized by a mass meeting held at San Francisco in 1900 (Millis, H. A., The Japanese Problem in the United States, New York, McMillan Co., 1915, p. 11), finally led to the conclusion in 1907 of the Root-Takahira understanding, known as the gentlemen's agreement (see ante).

During the period from 1907 to 1924 sentiment for the restriction of immigration became even more pronounced (see Cavanaugh, F. P., Immigration Restriction at Work Today, Washington, D. C, 1928, p. 12ff). This period saw the introduction of the literacy test; the Quota Act of May 19, 1921, which later on was extended by the Quota Act of May 11, 1922, to July 1, 1924; and finally the enactment of the Immigration Act of May 26, 1924,^° under which, for the first time, immigration and eligibility are recognized as related subjects, and ineligibility to become naturalized was made a reason for the exclusion of aliens (Ibid., p. 737).

The Immigration Act of 1924. -- A bill (H. R. 7995) to limit the immigration of aliens into the United States, and for other purposes was first introduced into the House of Representatives by Mr. Albert Johnson, Representative from the State of Washington on March 17, 1924 (Congressional Record, vol. 65 (Mar. 17, 1924), p. 4395). After considerable debate it was finally ratified by President Coolidge on May 26, 1924, after the President's unsuccessful attempts to amend certain provisions of the bill (see ante).

Section 13 of the act which deals with the exclusion of certain aliens from the United States was the subject of extensive discussion; and this was particularly true of subsection (c) of said section, since it introduced a new principle (immigration based on eligibility to citizenship) into the immigration policy of the United States.

Below is given a clear statement concerning the provision in question which at that time was submitted to the attention of the Members of Congress and which is a part of a memorandum prepared for the use of the House Committee on Immigration and Naturalization (Trevor, John B., An Analysis of the American Immigration Act of 1924, published in United States Congress, House, Committee on Immigration and Naturalization, 68th Cong., 1st Sess., hearings on H. R. 5, H. R. 101, H. R. ,561, H. R. 6540, Washington, Government Printing Office, 1925, p. 1422-3):

Subsection (c) of section 13 of the act aims to correct the situation which has been hereinbefore described by providing that no alien ineligible to citizenship shall be admitted to the United States; that is to say, although the Japanese have figured almost exclusively in the controversy over this section, its provisions apply to a population amounting to perhaps a billion of people, of which the inhabitants of Japan comprise barely threescore millions. However, when the exceptions to this provision are carefully examined, it will be observed that the substance and clear intent of the gentlemen's agreement are embodied in the statute; that is to say, (1) an alien ineligible for citizenship previously lawfully admitted to the United States returning from a temporary visit abroad may be admitted; (2) an immigrant ineligible for citizenship who continuously, for at least 2 years immediately preceding the time of his application for admission to the United States, has been and is seeking to enter the United States solely for the purpose of carrying on the vocation of minister of any religious denomination or professor of a college, academy, seminary, or university and his wife and unmarried children under 18 years of age if accompanying or following to join him, may be admitted; or (3) an immigrant ineligible for citizenship who is bona fide student at least 15 years of age and seeks to enter the United States solely for the purpose of study at an accredited school, college, academy, seminary, or university particularly designated by him and approved by the Secretary of Labor may be admitted. These provisions are the exemptions provided for in subsections (b), (d), and (e) of section 4. Finally, more important than these classes of persons is that group defined in subsection (6) of section 3 of the act, which entitles Japanese or any of the people to whom the provisions of the section apply, who desire to enter the United States solely to carry on trade under and in pursuance of the provisions of a present existing treaty of commerce and navigation, to admission at our ports.

A careful consideration of the provisions described in the preceding paragraph makes it clear that the essential difference between the situation as it existed prior to the passage of the Immigration Act of 1924, and what may be expected to eventuate now that the law has gone into effect, lies in the fact that the United States Government will now determine the qualifications of any individual ineligible for citizenship seeking admission into the United States; that is to say, the responsibility for a determination of the eligibility and good faith of such persons to enter regardless of the country of their origin, will be determined by the American consul at the point of departure for our shores, and by the immigration inspectors at the ports of entry of the United States.


President Theodore Roosevelt's attitude on the exclusion of Japanese immigrants seems to have changed considerably after the year 1906 (see U. S. Congress, Senate, Committee on Immigration, 68th Cong., 1st sess.. Hearings on S. 2576, Washington, Govt. Print. Off. 1924, p. 12). During that year, in a Message to Congress, he even suggested the propriety of admitting Japanese to citizenship. It has been pointed out that "he entirely changed that attitude when he had the facts before him, and then afterward was firmly and determinedly side by side with California in the declaration that the two races were so unassimilable that it was dangerous and suicidal to permit them to maintain in this country communities of Japanese" (Ibid). This changed attitude was reflected not only in his Autobiography and his communications with the California Legislature, but also in his Executive order of March 14, 1907 (International Conciliation, documents for the year 1925, p. 175), in which he declared that passports issued by the Government of Japan to Japanese and Korean laborers to go to Mexico, Canada, or Hawaii were being used "for the purpose of enabling the holders thereof to come to the continental territory of the United States to the detriment of labor conditions therein." The full text of the said executive order reads as follows (Ibid., p. 157-158):


Whereas, by the Act entitled "An Act to regulate the immigration of aliens into the United States," approved February 20, 1907, whenever the President is satisfied that passports issued by any foreign government to its citizens to go to any country other than the United States or to any insular possession of the United States or to the canal zone, are being used for the purpose of enabling the holders to come to the continental territory of the United States to the detriment of labor conditions therein, it is made the duty of the President to refuse to permit such citizens of the country issuing such passports to enter the continental territory of the United States from such country or from such insular possession or from the canal zone;

And whereas, upon sufficient evidence produced before me by the department of commerce and labor, I am satisfied that passports issued by the government of Japan to citizens of that country or Korea and who are laborers, skilled or unskilled, to go to Mexico, to Canada, and to Hawaii, are being used for the purpose of enabling the holders thereof to come to the continental territory of the United States to the detriment of labor conditions therein;

I hereby order that such citizens of Japan or Korea, to wit: Japanese or Korean laborers, skilled and unskilled, who have received passports to go to Mexico, Canada, or Hawaii, and come therefrom, be refused permission to enter the continental territory of the United States.

It is further ordered that the Secretary of Commerce and Labor be, and hereby is, directed to take, through the Bureau of Immigration and Naturalization, such measures and to make and enforce such rules and regulations as may be necessary to carry this order into effect.



In 1909 the California Legislature had before it several anti-Japanese bills. Owing chiefly to his new understanding with Japan, the gentlemen's agreement of 1907-8, President Roosevelt was anxious that friction between California and Japan should cease and that the bills should not be adopted by the California Legislature. At the President's request a commission of Californians, including Senator Frank Putnam Flint, Congressman Julius Kahn, and Hon. Franklin K. Lane conferred with the President on the matter (see U. S. Congress, Senate, Committee on Immigration, 68th Cong., 1st sess., hearings on S. 2576, Washington, Government Printing Office, 1924, p. 13). On February 8, 1909, shortly after the conference, President Roosevelt sent a telegram to Hon. P. A. Stanton, speaker of the assembly, Sacramento, Calif., which contained the following passage (for full text of the telegram, see "The Works of Theodore Roosevelt, national edition, New York, Scribner's Sons, 1926, vol. 20, p. 372-374): "The legislation would accomplish nothing beneficial and would certainly cause some mischief, and might cause very grave mischief. In short, the policy of the administration is to combine the maximum of efficiency in achieving the real object which the people of the Pacific slope have at heart, with the minimum of friction or trouble, while the misguided men who advocate such action as this against which I protest are following a policy which combines the very minimum of efficiency with the maximum of insult, and which, while totally failing to achieve any real result for good, yet might accomplish an infinity of harm. If in the next year or two the action of the Federal Government fails to achieve what it is now achieving, then through the further action of the President and Congress it can be made entirely efficient." (The italics are mine.)

The California Legislature thereupon killed all the bills to which President Roosevelt had taken exception. The President then sent a telegram to the speaker of the assembly which had the following tenor (Senate hearings on S. 2576, p. 15):

Accept my heartiest thanks and congratulations for the great service you have rendered on behalf of the people of the United States. I thank the people of California and their representatives in the legislature.

The President sent a second telegram, on February 10, 1909, to Gov. J. M. Gillette which read as follows (Senate hearings on S. 2576, p. 15.):

Accept my heartiest congratulations. All good Americans appreciate what you have done. Pray extend my congratulations individually to all who aided you. I feel the way in which California has done what was right for the Nation makes it more than ever obligatory to safeguard the interests of California. All that I can do to this end either in public or private shall most certainly be done.

Three days later (February 13, 1909) the Honorable Franklin K. Lane wrote a letter to Mr. George W. Lane from the National Capital in which he referred to the Japanese question and which contained the paragraph given below (A. W. Lane and L. H. Wall, editors. The letters of Franklin Knight Lane, Boston and New York, Houghton Mifflin Co., 1922, p. 68):

* * * I gave it (my interview on the Japanese question) at the request of the President (Roosevelt), because he said that the Republican Senators and Congressmen would not stand by him if it was going to be a partisan question in California politics. So I said that I would give the value of my name and influence to the support of his policy, so that Flint, Kahn, et. al. could quote me as against any attack by the Democrats. The President has done great work for the coast. * * *


During the Sixty-ninth Congress, Senator Royal S. Copeland of New York introduced into Congress a number of bills to amend the Immigration Act of 1924, particularly sections 4 and 24 of the said act. He also introduced a bill for the purpose of amending section 2169 of the Revised Statutes of the United States. With regard to the latter it has been observed that (Garner, Denationalization of American Citizens, in American Journal of International Law, January 1927, vol. 21, p. 107):

There is now a bill before Congress, introduced by Senator Copeland, which proposes to amend section 2169 of the Revised Statutes by enumerating the races whose members shall be deemed "white persons" within the meaning of this section. Among the races specified is the Hindu race. The Chinese, Japanese, and other Asiatic races, however, are not included. At its recent convention in Detroit, the American Federation of Labor adopted a resolution endorsing the Copeland bill and instructing its executive council to use its efforts to have the bill enacted into law.

Senator David A. Reed of Pennsylvania, on December 7, 1926, introduced into the Senate a joint resolution (S. J. Res. 128) "providing for the ratification and confirmation of the naturalizations of certain persons of the Hindu race." (Congressional Record, December 7, 1926, vol. 68, p. 37) On the same day Senator Reed also presented a memorial (Ibid., p. 36) "numerously signed by citizens of Pennsylvania, New York, New Jersey, and other States, remonstrating against the decision of the Supreme Court of the United States to the effect that Hindus were not eligible to American citizenship for the reason that they were not free white persons, according to the commonly accepted meaning of the term." This memorial was then referred to the Senate Committee on Immigration.



(Prepared by John F. G. Stokes long before Pearl Harbor.)

Oceanic is more than 2,000 miles from the nearest land -- namely California. This isolation and distance prevents the great bulk of island residents from absorbing American ideals and culture through intimate contact with them at their sources. They must be obtained through the much slower processes of reading and school instruction.


Hawaii has a serious problem in Americanization due to its mixed population, and the overwhelming proportion of the Asiatic stocks. The segregation for June 30, 1935, estimated by the Territorial Board of Health has been reduced to percentages:

  Percent   Percent
Japanese 39 Asiatic stocks 62
Filipino 14
Chinese and Korean 9 Absorbtive stocks 25
Hawaiian, all and part 15
Portuguese 8 Nonvoting, i.e. Army, Navy, and alien 10
Scattering 2
"Other Caucasian" (mostly American) 13 Enfranchised American 3
Total 100 Total 100

The other Caucasian classification included American, British, German, French, Norwegian, citizen or alien, and also the very large citizen but nonvoting and shifting population of the Army and Navy services. The resident, voting, unmixed American stock represents only about 3 percent as against resident Asiatic stocks comprising 62 percent of the whole population.


On account of its geographical situation and suitable harbors? Hawaii is America's most important defense post in the one anticipated direction of danger. The value of Pearl Harbor was early recognized, and its control was demanded by the United States, long before annexation, as a consideration of tariff reciprocity.

Danger from Japan has been apparent to all of the present generation. It is confirmed by Premier Tanaka's confidential memorial to the Japanese Emperor in 1927, a copy of which was stolen by a Chinese and a translation published in Shanghai. One of the reprints was handed to your committee.

As the memorial will show, Japan believes she is definitely out for world conquest, and recognizes that the United States is an obstruction to its plans and must be first crushed.

The idea of world conquest is a favorite one among the Japanese whose sacred traditions and official superstitions teach them that they are a chosen race. Nor is it a recent idea. As pointed out by Brinkley in the History of Japan, it was conceived in 1592 and the campaign actually begun then. The first step, the conquest of Korea, had been accomplished when progress was stopped through the death of the great shogun responsible for the plan. His successor was less ambitious.

The genuineness of the Tanaka memorial is affirmed by its similarity with the plan of 1592 (allowing for increase in geographical knowledge), and that it has been so closely followed since its presentation.


In 1897 Hobron wrote that Japan's "policy is to land as many of Japan's subjects in Hawaii as possible -- the plan has been made public, innocently perhaps, by officials of the Japanese Government -- and then by force of superior numbers demand the right of franchise for its citizens. This obtained the rest would be easy * * *."

The same year Sturdevant cited, from a vernacular paper published in Japan, a similar program for world expansion by means of ''emigration facilitated by the authorities at home" and the assistance of legations and consulates abroad. How early this policy was inaugurated cannot be ascertained here. That it was attempted in Hawaii is clear from what follows.

Emigration from Japan to Hawaii began in 1868 with a small group of 148. It was then forbidden by the Japanese Government, which for many years refused renewal of its permission.

The embargo being removed later, immigrants or contract laborers poured into Hawaii until, between 1865 and the end of 1892, 23,286 had been received. They were mostly men, with only a few women, and very many were understood to be Army reservists.

In 1893, after the overthrow of the monarchy in Hawaii, a Japanese coup was attempted, according to an account by Prof. Frank A. Hosmer, written in 1909. Professor Hosmer was president of Oahu College in Honolulu for 10 years, participated in the Revolution of 1893 and in the councils of the Provisional Government, and was later the representative for Amherst in the Massachusetts Legislature.

According to Hosmer, the Japan Government, some years prior to the overthrow of the monarchy, conceived the plan of annexing the Hawaiian Islands. The time seemed ripe when the revolution occurred, and the warship Naniwa, under Commander (later Admiral) Togo, was dispatched, with a full equipment of arms for the Japanese residents in Hawaii. They, already informed, were ready. In fact, a small army of them, armed with cane knives did advance on Honolulu before Togo arrived.

The plot was revealed through the boastfulness of the local Japanese, and before the Naniwa came the Provisional Government asked for and received from American Minister Steven a temporary protectorate.

Then followed demands from the Japanese Government for Hawaiian enfranchisement of its nationals in Hawaii. People in Japan became so worked up over the matter that they held mass meetings to urge the Government to take action, and letters from the Hawaiian Minister in Japan to his home office indicate his distress at the situation.

The franchise agitation from Japan continued parallel with greatly increased immigration to Hawaii until the begiiming of 1897. In the years 1893, 1894, 1895, and 1896, 14,429 Japanese arrived in Hawaii, very few of whom were women. In the last 3 months of this period, 2,273 entered, according to Bishop.

Early in 1897, the Hawaiian Government awoke to the fact that its immigration laws were being flouted, and after a close scrutiny of many shiploads of immigrants, 1,125 were rejected and returned to Japan.

Japan's protest is a matter of history, as is the fact that the Hawaiian Government paid an indemnity of $75,000, not as an admission of wrongdoing, but in order to clear the way for annexation. Japan also protested to the United States against annexation.

The whole subject was reviewed vigorously in the reports on annexation to the Fifty-fifth Congress, presented to the House on May 17, 1898, and to the Senate the day before.

From the preceding references there can be little question that Japan included Hawaii in her area of expansion, and that her main interest in emigration to Hawaii was a means of gaining control. But for the intervention of the United States, control might have been effected.


Following annexation, pro-Japanese propaganda emanated from two main sources, and served to militate against the Americanization of the coming citizens. One source was the Japanese consulate, and the present consul justifies the course as a duty. The other source is discussed by the Honolulu Advertiser, as follows:

The Advertiser on October 9 printed an editorial defining its policy on statehood. Among other topics the Japanese-language schools were discussed. No criticism was offered the usual functions of a language or private school. Knowledge of Japanese is an asset in anyone's education. Knowledge of the language, history, culture, and progress of Japan is particularly an asset to every American-Japanese in Hawaii. They have every right to conduct these schools.

What the Advertiser contends is that teaching in the Japanese schools goes beyond the surface curriculum. No fault could be found in a translation of the textbooks used. Washington, Lincoln, and other historic figures in our national life have their place in the schoolroom. But another strain of thought is subtly conveyed by alien teachers not in accordance with American ideals set forth in the Japanese-language-school textbooks. That is the Advertiser's firm conviction as expressed last week. It is just as strong today. Such alien teaching in talks and contacts with young American-Japanese has a tendency to place Japan before the United States, to build up Japanese national spirit, a conflict bewildering to pupils in the formative stages of their education and harmful to undivided loyalty.

The Japanese Education Association of Hawaii, which manages the Japanese-language schools of the Territory, in a statement to the newspapers of Honolulu takes exception to the Advertiser editorial. This association is largely if not altogether alien. A high percentage of its teachers is alien. With it rests the opportunity of allaying all suspicion of a lack of thorough Americanism, by employing Japanese-American teachers. Japanese-language schools undoubtedly then would come out from under the cloud that hangs over them under the present organization and meet with the approval of those qualified to criticize.

Chief objection of the Hawaii Kyoiku Kai was leveled at the following paragraph in the Advertiser editorial:

"While the Japanese-language schools and the Buddhist temples which are closely allied with them face a steadv decline in attendance with the advent of second, third, and other generations to come, of children born in Hawaii, nevertheless it does not take a very deep thinking man to see how these students who are taught the ideals of George Washington in the morning and loyalty to the Imperial Government of Japan in the afternoon, might become extremely confused, not only as to their loyalties, but as to their own ideals."

The viewpoint expressed above was born of similar sentiment proclaimed by leaders in education, government, and religion, record publications, official statistics, letters, and authorized statements. They speak for themselves, perhaps not as directly in some instances, but in all without equivocation as to their meaning and warning.


On the occasion of the fiftieth anniversary of Japanese immigration to Hawaii, the Paradise Times, published in the interest of the New Americans and sponsored among others by the publisher of the Nippu Jiji, says editorially:

"Today Japanese in Hawaii are displaying Japanese spirit in full color. This may be the reaction of the rise of nationalism in Japan. Many of the Japanese schools have become Japanized. Imperial rescript is boldly read and taught in some of the schools. Some teachers have openly declared they are teaching Japanese spirit through the medium of the Japanese language."

The Reverend Takie Okumura, in delivering the welcoming address to the eighth annual conference of New Americans, held in 1934, from June 18 to June 23 at Fuller hall, said:

"The suspicion against the language schools is steadily growing. In the Nippu Jiji of March 27, 1934, Shinryu Umehara, a Buddhist priest, who made an extensive lecture tour of Hawaii and Pacific Coast States, said: 'I am profoundly impressed at the great place of the Japanese-language schools and the Buddhist temples in the Japanese community. They are a hotbed of racial consciousness, Japanese culture and spirit, etc.'

"By his statement Umehara put his O. K. on the suspicion of the American people. When we think of all these facts, can we not believe that the clouds of gloom are growing thicker?"

And further along in his address. Rev. Mr. Okumura says:

"Today the pendulum has swung in the opposite direction, and the Japanese community seems to be Japanized more and more. Since its victory in the Supreme Court, the language schools are beginning to display the real color of Japanism. We Japanese are to be blamed for strengthening the suspicion and misunderstandings against the citizens of Japanese ancestry."


Then came the ninth annual conference of New Americans, held at Fuller hall from July 15 to July 20, 1935, and the Reverend Takie Okumura, sending a message to the conference, said in part:

"They (citizens) must be unadulterated in their loyalty to their country, and for their country they must be willing to sacrifice everything. * * * Today Hawaii is seeking to become a member of the Union. American citizens of Japanese ancestry must realize that their loyalty and their actions have an important bearing on the whole question of statehood. They must show more willingness to put aside everything that hinders Hawaii in her aspiration, and prove definitely that they are real American citizens."

On Friday, July 19, there was a round-table discussion during the sessions of the New Americans at Fuller hall on The New Outlook for Statehood for Hawaii. Senator Joseph R. Farrington presided. An excerpt from the report of the discussions follows:

"The real crux of the whole question of statehood, said several delegates, is the attitude and actions of the American citizens of Oriental ancestry. They must demonstrate in every possible way that they are ready to take their place as loyal American citizens."

Senator Farrington, who is general manager of the Honolulu Star-Bulletin, concerning a recent survey relating to Japanese schools said:

"I would not care to express any views about Japanese schools in Hawaii without having more information about them than I have at the present time."


Oren E. Long, superintendent of the department of public instruction, queried on the same subject, replied by letter as follows:

"The whole question of the language schools will doubtless remain a controversial issue for a good many years.

"I am familiar with opinions expressed some years ago by a number of public school leaders and university professors. They agreed that the language schools are not at present a particular detriment to the best development of the community. At the same time I think that each of these educational leaders looks forward to the day when the schools will be eliminated."

"My own opinion is that all these schools have a direct bearing on Hawaii's standing before the American bar of public opinion, and for this reason I should like to see them eliminated."

Setsuechi Aoki, general secretary of the Society of International Cultural Relations, with headquarters in Japan, taking cognizance of Hawaii, is quoted as saying in Tokyo, November, 1934:

"For several years the school heads in Hawaii and America, with the aid of many influential educators and missionaries, made a survey of American textbooks for the Japanese society. The survey revealed that if proper propaganda is systematically carried out in the schools, the American children will become strong friends of Japan."


A well known American mission worker (Dr. Frye) was recently quoted as follows:

"My personal view favors the right of Japanese parents in Hawaii to teach their children the Japanese language, but I regret that many of the Japanese schools * * * emphasize racial consciousness and Japanese loyalty and culture in such a manner that the second generation of Japanese are hampered in their preparations for American citizenship.

"It is my opinion that the greatest stumbling block to the progress of the Japanese-language schools in Hawaii would be removed if they had no connection whatsoever with the Buddhist religion. The fact that these schools are maintained for purposes other than mastery of the language, presents a difficulty and a spirit of intolerance in communities where Buddhist priests are the controlling influence. This kind of thing may be all right for Japan but in my opinion it is unfortunate in America."


The Reverend Albert W. Palmer, D. D., at one time minister of Central Union Church, wrote a book entitled "The Human Side of Hawaii." Discussing some of the problems relating to Japanese residents and their place in the social community. Dr. Palmer on page 111 said:

"The language school problem is complicated, then, by extremists on both sides. On the Japanese side there is doubtless a subtle but indefinite and hidden influence on the part of the Buddhist organization. The Buddhist and the Shinto priests and temples are natural centers of nationalistic sentiment on the part especially of the older, non-speaking and un-Americanized Japanese. Since the Japanese language is the language of Buddhism and English is the language of Christianity, it would be only natural that conservative Buddhist influence should deplore any weakening of the language school system. At the same time this influence, in the nature of things, is never expressed openly and remains subtle, hidden, imponderable."

It has been stated from time to time, officially and semiofficially, that leading Japanese in Hawaii have been educated with the help of Prince Fushimi's scholarship fund, administered by His Imperial Highness Prince Fushimi's Scholarship association of Japan. There is also another organization known as the Institute of Overseas Peoples Education, controlled by the Japanese Foreign Office bureau. Concerning the influence of this latter association, one has a quotation from Viscount Ishii's speech, published in the Osaka Mainichi Shimbun, at Osaka, Japan, July 2, 1934:

"The Institute of Overseas Peoples Education is an organization for infusing the Japanese spirit into the second generation of Japanese abroad and founded in response to persistent requests from the Japanese living in foreign countries.

"In other words, Japanese abroad even when they acquire wealth cannot come home, even if they wanted to, on account of their children. Leave the second generation in the land of their residence, but don't let them forget the Japanese spirit. It is this way. In buying, select Japanese goods; in voting, cast the ballot for politicians friendly to Japanese."


In a letter to the chairman of the subcommittee on statehood, now conducting hearings in Hawaii, John F. G. Stokes said:

"This morning the Honorable Wilfred C. Tsukiyama was put forward by the powerful local pro-statehood committee as the shining example of Hawaii's New Americans of Japanese ancestry * * *. Mr. Tsukiyama has always been regarded as an able man, and his abilities and capabilities have never been questioned. May I beg you to receive the enclosed three sheets of extracts as a compendium of Mr. Tsukiyama's replies to my questions, and further ask you to transmit them with this letter to Mr. Tsukiyama for his comment or otherwise. I have no desire to speak behind his back.

"Mr. Tsukiyama denied (1) that his mainland scholarship was from the Fushimi fund; (2) that he knew the contributors (or their names) of the local fund which financed him, and (3) that there was pro-Japanese propaganda in the Japanese language schools. According to the extracts, which give their authority, all such denials are shown to be false.

"It was stated by the Honolulu Times and not denied that Mr. Tsukiyama, when a dual citizen and holding public office in the city and county, made in public some insulting remarks on Admiral Stirling. The Japanese consul sent for Mr. Tsukiyama and told him that the Imperial Japanese Government would not permit a Japanese citizen to speak so of a high officer of a friendly nation. Mr. Tsukiyama was given the option of apologizing to Admiral Stirling, or of expatriation. The latter was chosen."


Stokes then quotes his extracts from the Nippu Jiji, issue of April 28, 1934, as follows:

"Dr. Iga Mori was reelected chairman of the Prince Fushimi memorial scholarship society at the twenty-seventh annual meeting of the organization yesterday afternoon at the headquarters of the Honolulu Japanese Chamber of Commerce.

"Other officers, all of whom were also reelected, include: vice chairman, the Reverend Takie Okumura; secretary, Gerijin Tatsutani; treasurer, Daizo Sumida, and directors, Yasutaro Soga, Dr. Tomizo Katsunma, Tokuji Onodera, Matsutaro Yamashiro, Wilfred C. Tsukiyama."

In another extract submitted by Stokes from the Nippu Jiji, issue of July 24, 1934, he quotes:

"In 1919, through donations by Fusanosuke Kuhara, Japanese millionaire, and other friends, scholarships were awarded every year (from the Fushimi scholarship fund) for the next several years to send local students to mainland universities. Among the recipients have been W. C. Tsukiyama, Tokitaro Susuki, Ernest K. Moriwake, Masaji Murumoto, and Clarence Y. Shimamura."


The language school situation, as taken from official records as of December 31, 1934, follows:


In all the islands there are 207 schools of which 183 are Japanese, 13 Chinese, and 11 Korean. They are distributed as follows: Hawaii, 60; Maui, 31; Oahu, 88; Kauai, 22; Molokai, 5, and Lanai, 1.


There are 784 teachers, of whom 496 are aliens, 288 citizens, and of whom 421 are males and 363 females. Their distribution is as follows: Hawaii, 178 of whom 127 are aliens, 51 citizens, and 95 males and 83 females; Oahu, 425, of whom 248 are aliens, 177 citizens, and 299 males, 196 females; Maui, 103, of whom 65 are aliens, 38 citizens, and 53 males, 50 females; Kauai, 66, of whom 45 are aliens, 21 citizens, and 26 males, 30 females; Molokai, 48, all aliens, and 3 of them females; Lanai, 4, 3 men, 1 woman, and all but 1 aliens.


On all the islands there is a total of 44,552 attending foreign-language schools, 41,192 attending Japanese schools, 2,714 attending Chinese schools, and 646 Korean. Of the pupils all but 190 are citizens and the sex proportion is 23,056 males and 21,496 females. The island distribution is as follows: Hawaii, 9,704, of whom all but 13 are citizens, and 4,917 males and 4,787 females; Maui, 6,316, of whom all but 18 are citizens, and 3,225 males and 3,091 females; Oahu, 23,806, of whom all but 149 are citizens, and 12,547 males and 11,259 females; Kauai, 4,068, all but 9 citizens, and 2,015 males and 2,053 females; Molokai, 329, all citizens, and 173 males, 156 females; Lanai, 329, all but 1 citizens, and 179 males and 150 females.


Out of 39,310 births of children of Japanese ancestry registered at the Japanese consulate since 1925, 17,825 registered to become Japanese subjects, taking advantage of dual citizenship.

The record by years follows: 1925 -- males, 744; females, 648; total, 1,392. In 1926 -- males, 1,842; females, 1,751; total, 3,593. In 1927 -- males, 1,530; females, 1,465; total, 2,995. In 1928 -- males, 1,582; females, 1,443; total, 3,025. In 1929 -- males, 889; females, 835; total, 1,724. In 1930 -- males, 681; females, 644; total, 1,325. In 1931 -- males, 611; females, 575; total, 1,188. In 1932 -- males, 490; females, 492: total, 982. In 1933 -- males, 449; females, 403; total, 825. In 1934 -- males, 407; females, 371; total, 778. Grand total, 17,825.

Since 1929 the public schools at the primary grades insist that all children who enter the elementary grade shall show a birth certificate. This, it is said, has had a far-reaching effect on parents in reducing registration of their children with the Japanese consulate.

From 1925 until 1934, 5,676 American citizens of Japanese ancestry have been expatriated from Japan. The year-by-year figures are: In 1925, 402 males; 85 females; total 487. In 1926, 430 males; 108 females; total, 538. In 1927, 285 males; 51 females; total, 336. In 1928, 234 males; 32 females; total, 266. In 1929, 205 males; 19 females; total, 226. In 1930, males, 218; females, 18; total, 236. In 1931, males, 261; females, 29; total, 290. In 1932, males, 902; females, 346; total, 1,248. In 1933, males, 1,204; females, 323; total, 1,527. In 1934, males, 484; females, 133; total, 614. Grand total, males, 4,624; females, 1,144; both males and females, 5,768.

It will be recalled that there was much agitation in 1932 and 1933 against dual citizenship, and the large increase in expatriation during the years, as shown by the tables, is believed to have resulted from that agitation.

$500,000 TO $800,000 COLLECTED ANNUALLY

Officers and directors of the Hawaii Kyoiku Kai are:

Taichi Sato, Sato Clothier, president.
Eichi Kishida, principal Kakaako Japanese language school, vice president.
Toraki Kimura, principal Palama Japanese language school, secretary.
Kazuyuki Yamamoto, principal Fort Educational Home, treasurer.
Yoshinobu Sasaki, principal Makiki Japanese school, director.

According to Koichi Harada in A Survey of the Japanese Language Schools in Hawaii, there were 40 schools in Honolulu last year. Eighty-eight percent of the 46,712 students attending the public schools in 1934 also attended the Japanese schools. In this survey Harada says that by a conservative estimate the Japanese language schools collect $500,000 annually. Other estimates place this figure as high as $800,000. This is exclusive of the cost of textbooks. These, Harada says, were originally prepared by scholars in Japan, but have been revised locally several times. They are still published by the Naigai Publishing Co. of Japan.

The Advertiser is quite willing to accept Mr. Sato's word for the fact that none of the textbooks used in the Japanese language schools contain derogatory or disloyal reference to America. Such crude methods could be too easily translated and would constitute too definite an indictment.

The written comments printed in this article of leading Japanese and leading Americans very definitely indicate that it is current belief that un-American propaganda is being subtly and consistently spread in the language schools.

If the directors of the Japanese language schools are really sincere in their desire to foster Americanism at the same time students are being taught Japanese why should they not be willing to have at least their directorate composed of American citizens instead of aliens, thereby definitely taking the first step in convincing their critics that the real purposes of the Japanese language school are sincere, above board and honest.

The advice of ex-Governor Judd, Oren E. Long, superintendent of public instruction, David L. Crawford, president of the University of Hawaii, and the Reverend Oganiura is unanimous to this end.

The community feels that Japanization at present plays a dominant part in the purpose of the language school.

The burden of proof as to the real purpose rests with you, Mr. Sato, and with the directors of Hawaii Kyoiku Kai.

This is an American territory. May you demonstrate that you are worthy of America's confidence and support.


During the session of the ninth annual conference of New Americans at Fuller Hall, in Honolulu, Lawrence M. Judd, former Governor, discussed "What New Americans Should Do." He spoke from the standpoint of a man born and reared in Hawaii, and from observations gained as Governor of the Territory and travel on the mainland. No other person in the Territory is more qualified to discuss territorial affairs than Lawrence M. Judd. He said:

"Speaking now of a subject that has been in my mind very often during the last few months, especially since I have seen the reaction of my audiences on my visit to the mainland, I urge that you give earnest thought to the language schools of Hawaii. They are a constant source of agitation against you. Their presence is a handicap you need not tolerate for long.

"The Japanese language schools should be eliminated as rapidly as possible and in their places should be set up efficient American schools to promote citizenship and understanding between the United States and Japan. This is something to which you should give serious consideration because you can do something about it. And the sooner you act the sooner all Hawaii and you New Americans will benefit."


Dr. D. L. Crawford, as president of the University of Hawaii, and observer of economic and educational trends, as well as needs, in the islands, was one of the principal speakers during the conference of New Americans in Honolulu this year. His subject was "The New Americans' Future." His advice was based, not on superficial knowledge, but on the experience of many years as an educator in the Territory. He said:

"Your concern rather, should be for yourselves lest you fail to achieve the place you desire in this American commonwealth because you listen too much to Japanese advice and not enough to Americans. I ask you as individuals: Are you primarily a member of the Japanese community or an American citizen of Hawaii? When you have to decide whether or not in some large or small detail you will modify your Japanese customs and ways, which has more influence upon your decision: the opinion of Japanese, or Americans?

"When a majority of our Americans of Japanese ancestry break away from the control in which Japanese public opinion now holds them, and if this declaration of independence is accompanied by a declaration of interdependence with all the citizens of Hawaii so that you will behave yourselves as good citizens, then we can be sure that we are on the road to true cooperation, and a splendid future lies just ahead for Hawaii."


The Nippu Jiji published on August 28, 1935, the rules governing a census of Japanese in Hawaii, starting September 10 under the supervision of the Japanese consulate in Honolulu. The census here is being conducted in connection with a Nation-wide census taking in Japan, and the Japanese consulate is being assisted by consular agents in rural Oahu and other islands, and by the United Japanese society of Honolulu.

Inquiry is made of all the so-called first generation, second generation and third generation who possess Japanese citizenship. Though Hawaiian-born, if he or she has reported the birth to the Japanese Government and thus obtained the Japanese citizenship, and since then has not been expatriated, it must be reported.

Under the caption of "Questionable Points," appears the following paragraph:

"This census is taken to determine the population and it is not connected in any way with information papers compiled for the government authorities. HENCE, ILLEGAL ENTRANTS NEED NOT BE AFRAID OF MAKING OUT THIS REPORT.

"A migrator, resident, or temporary traveler must all be recorded if he is present here on October 1, 1935."

That the Advertiser's stand is right, none with the interest of America at heart can question. In publishing references, a long existing festering sore of the community has been laid open to the light; an excellent step in the healing process. The Reverend Takie Okumura, so often quoted, has labored for years for his fellow Japanese' contentment by getting them to turn to America instead of Japan.

From time to time, items of more direct propaganda slip into view. The committee was shown a small book written entirely in Japanese. It was issued as a novel and entitled "Future Japan-United States War Narration." The authorship is attributed to Lt.-Comdr. Koyosuke Fukunaga, and the book carries the endorsements of two very high officials, as follows:

Truly worthy of Mr. Fukunaga's skillful penmanship, it portrays the future war very well. I hope that, by this book, the readers will come to understand how important is air power in the national defense of today.
-- Admiral Kanji Kato, Councillor of Military Affairs.

Mr. Fukunaga's "Future Japan-United States War Narration," having been written by a naval officer, as might be expected of them, is tremendously interesting, and I read it through without pausing.

As a story it is undoubtedly very interesting, but the thing I admire most is that, in spite of the years that have passed since Mr. Fukunaga left the Navy, he possesses such a complete knowledge of the ever-advancing Navy.

Therefore, this book is undoubtedly interesting to the general public as well as to the naval specialists, besides giving numerous good suggestions.

As one in the position of Chief of the Imperial Navy, I am not able to give a full account of the impressions I received, because the contents of the book are somewhat related to strategic secrets, which I regret very much.

However, I am able to say this much: If we can win like this it will be very pleasant. Moreover, if a man like Mr. Fukunaga were my chief of staff, as commander in chief I would feel very confident.
-- Vice-Admiral Nobumasa Suetsugu, Commander in Chief of the United Fleet.

The book was written about the end of 1933. The author's foreword begins in this manner:

Do you mean to tell me that there is no need for "Japan-United States future war narration," just because the United States Fleet is about to leave the Pacific coast? Do you think that the fleet will be kept on the Atlantic once it gets back there?

Don't mistake a fleet for a fort. * * *

In the story, of course, the American Fleet is utterly defeated, and the Hawaiian Islands captured and annexed. Hints are given that the 150,000 Japanese in Hawaii will cooperate. A Negro on the American Fleet turns traitor, leading to the blowing up of the Oklahoma while in the Panama Canal -- thus blocking it.

The account, being merely a novel, would not be taken too seriously but for the method of shipping it into the Territory of Hawaii. Seventy-seven cases of it were shipped to a local Japanese who claimed that he had neither ordered them nor had been charged for them. A second and similar shipment followed. The consignee made no objection when the alert collector of customs at Honolulu proposed to destroy the books.

Some copies of the book reached San Francisco, and a translation was run daily in the Hearst papers in the latter part of January 1934. The expense of publishing and shipping the edition must have been considerable, and it could not have been done for mere amusement. The surreptitious shipment to Hawaii for free distribution could have been nothing but Japanese Government propaganda among the Japanese-speaking people of Hawaii.

Attempts to direct the attention of the young Japanese toward their ancestral land and its advantages are made by lecturers in the plantation villages. The youthful hearers, with imaginations on fire, sometimes retail the accounts to their teachers in the Government schools.

Many young Hawaiian-born Japanese are educated in Japan and stay there during their formative period. The net result is the piling up in Japan of Japanese-minded Americans who are privileged to return to Hawaii and vote.

To sum up the preceding pages, Hawaii represents a most important defense post of the United States, which, before annexation, Japan made attempts to secure. Japan's method was to pour in her immigrants who, through the franchise she tried to secure for them, were to place the islands in her lap. The descendants of these immigrants may now dominate the electorate.

{NOTE: For further information on Imperial Japan's plans for Hawaii, see Hawaii Under the Rising Sun: Japan's Plans for Conquest After Pearl Harbor by John J. Stephan (2002). Read The Japanese in Hawaii by Utaro Okumura (1920), for some very enlightening background information on reasons for the feelings of "restlessness, misunderstanding, and suspicion" between America and Japan. For more on the Japanese race problem in Hawaii, see this excerpt from Hawaii and Its Race Problem (Dept. of Interior, 1932).}



Japanese in the United States, both foreign and American born, of whom there are about 130,000, form one of this country's most foreign-minded and most closely knit racial groups. They reside in all States of the Pacific slope, but are largely concentrated in California. The foreign born among them, being ineligible to citizenship, cannot be naturalized, and their intense pride of race and almost fanatical love for Japan causes them not only to keep in closest touch with the mother country, but to adhere tenaciously to the Japanese manner of life. Their children, although American citizens by right of birth on the soil, are so strongly Japanese in racial characteristics that they do not become assimilated into the lifeblood of this country but remain a part of the Japanese community dominated by their alien parents.

Because of their unassimilability and the difficulty of Americans competing with them due to their low standards of living, Japanese immigrants have never been really welcome in the United States. As early as 1892, when they began to come in large numbers to take the place of the excluded Chinese, there was friction between this country and Japan over the immigration of coolie laborers. A number of them were refused admission into the port of San Francisco on the ground that they were contract laborers. But still they kept on coming, and, as their numbers increased, agitation against them developed quickly. California demanded that Congress enact an exclusion law similar to the Chinese Exclusion Act. In 1900, in the hope of quieting this agitation and forestalling the humiliation of an exclusion law, and possibly concerned over the fact that in that year some 12,000 of her coolies entered California, Japan announced that no more passports would be issued to laborers for admission into continental United States. This was in effect the first gentlemen's agreement.

This agreement was continually violated. From 1901 to 1908, inclusive, Japan sent into continental United States, with her passport, 51,689 immigrants (not including those coming from Hawaii), most of whom were or became laborers. Again and again California protested to Congress and demanded an exclusion law. In 1907, realizing that something must be done, and fearful of war with Japan if an exclusion law were passed, President Theodore Roosevelt began negotiations for another gentlemen's agreement, which were concluded in 1908. The details of this agreement were secret, although it was announced that under its terms Japan again agreed to prevent the increase of the Japanese population in continental United States, in a manner not injurious to Japan's pride.

The second agreement fared no better than the first. It was continuously violated. The American courts were powerless to enforce its terms, the agreement being neither statute law nor treaty. Every Japanese coming with Japan's passport was entitled to enter. Between 1909, when it went into effect, and 1924, when the agreement was terminated, the Japanese population of continental United States increased from 76,714 to 131,357. Their tremendously prolific picture brides contributed to this increase, each family averaging 5 children.

California, with its mild climate and extraordinary agricultural resources, delighted the industrious Japanese. In fact, some of their vernacular newspapers went so far as to call California ''the New Japan." They were not content to remain day laborers, as had the Chinese, but rapidly acquired their own land, or leased farm land which they frequently worked to depletion. Their women worked alongside the men in the fields for long hours, often with their babies strapped to their backs. Whole towns became Japanese, the native white population gradually leaving areas where the Japanese settled, since competition with them was so difficult if not impossible. They were assertive and aggressive, and did not achieve the reputation for honesty and faithfulness that was enjoyed by the Chinese. California fearfully envisioned the complete control of her agricultural land by the acquisitive Japanese, and became thoroughly aroused. Feeling ran high, but there was little of the violence against the Japanese which had unfortunately marked the agitation for exclusion of the Chinese.

Failing to obtain relief from the situation from Congress and an antagonistic Federal administration, California passed its alien land law in 1913, prohibiting aliens ineligible to citizenship from purchasing land or leasing agricultural land. The Japanese protested, but proceeded to circumvent this law in many instances by operating in the names of their American-born children. Still their numbers increased. The situation was becoming almost a life and death struggle against the penetration of Japanese.

In 1924, Congress acted to remedy the situation. The Immigration Restriction Act was passed in that year, and California, with the aid of other Pacific Coast States, was able to present to Congress such a convincing case against Japanese penetration that the exclusion measure, barring those ineligible to American citizenship as permanent residents, was included therein. The fight was a hard one, however, for Japan had enlisted many friends in her cause -- missionaries, church people, idealists, those interested in foreign trade, employers of cheap labor, and Government officials and Members of Congress entirely unfamiliar with conditions in California and other Pacific Coast States. Thus was the cycle of exclusion of orientals made practically complete. Chinese had been barred by the Chinese Exclusion Act of 1882; Hindus and Malays were excluded by the Barred Zone Act of 1917.

Since the time of their exclusion, and up to the present critical period in international affairs, the Japanese, both in this country and in Japan, have protested at every opportunity against the allegedly discriminatory treatment accorded them under the exclusion measure. They claim that such discrimination is incompatible with the sensibilities of a proud people, and demand repeal of the law. Their publicists even intimate that Japan's present predatory course in Asia is the result of the slight which America placed upon the Japanese by excluding them from this country; and they confuse the open door (of trade) in China with the open door (of immigration) in this country, claiming that if one door is closed to them the other door must be closed to us. They overlook entirely the fact that the open door in China is guaranteed by international treaty to which Japan was one of the signatories, while immigration is held internationally to be a purely domestic matter determined solely by each country. Americans do not desire to migrate to China in vast numbers. The exclusion measure is not discriminatory, for it applies to practically half the population of the globe, of which half the Japanese constitute about 7 percent. Enactment of the exclusion measure was not by any means the unexpected and undeserved blow to her pride that Japan claims. It was the direct result of 24 years of evasion by her of two agreements not to send her laborers to this country, - The Japanese also protest continuously against the alien land laws of the various States where they are concentrated; and to satisfy their great desire for racial equality, they urge that the naturalization laws of the country be changed so as to admit alien Japanese to American citizenship.

There are still many alien Japanese in California, living a typically Japanese life entirely apart from the rest of the population. By tremendous industry, skill, and incredibly low living standards, they still control much of the fruit, vegetable, and berry industries of the State, particularly in the south. White Americans cannot work the same long hours, nor will they put their entire families, men, women, and children into the field day in and day out, as do the Japanese, to compete with them. Their control of a large portion of the food supply of the State, coupled with the fact that they own a large fleet of ultramodern trucks, is disquieting, for they are frequently accused on good grounds of unfriendly acts and espionage. Active agitation against them ceased when the exclusion measure became effective. This fact has considerably increased their opportunities for espionage.

Large sums of money have been and are being spent in this country by Japan for various propaganda purposes, including the attempt to induce public opinion to force repeal or modification of the exclusion measure, and to create a more favorable opinion of her present violent course in Asia. She has even deliberately planned to propagandize in our schools. A textbook on Japan, compiled in Hawaii under joint auspices of the Cultural Relations Society of Japan (Prof. N. Royama coming from Tokyo to assist in its preparation), the Institute of Pacific Relations, and the Territorial Board of Education, was in use in the Honolulu schools in 1935, and its use on the continent was urged. It contained misstatement of fact with regard to exclusion, and omitted all but favorable reference to Japan's past and current history, and was withdrawn under severe criticism and rewritten. Even in its present form it leaves much to be desired as a textbook, omitting anything unfavorable to Japan's aggressive activities in Asia.

About a hundred American and Canadian school teachers go to Japan each summer as "guests" of the Japanese Government. Upon their return many of them become ardent exponents of Japan's cause.

The problem of exclusion of alien Japanese having been solved, there remains now the problem of their children, the Nisei as they are called. There are in California today more than 50,000 of these American-born Japanese.

To add to their other disabilities and create suspicion against them, Japan does everything in her power to bind the Nisei to herself, despite the fact that they are American citizens. Koki Hirota, former Foreign Minister of Japan, was quoted in the Long Beach (California) Press Telegram of March 8, 1938, to the effect that:

They [American-born Japanese] must receive American education. But they remain Japanese and should be educated as Japanese in order to retain their Japanese virtues. For this purpose the semiofficial Migration Association keeps close connection with them.

American-born Japanese children have been, and still are being, registered with the Japanese consulate at birth, with the result that most of their number are now citizens of both countries -- American citizens by birth and Japanese citizens by virtue of that registration (New World Sun, May 30, 1939; Japanese American News, May 30, 1939, San Francisco). These dual citizens are subject to military duty in Japan and are under obligation to obey her in peace and in war. However, they hold this dual status by choice, since they are free to expatriate under Japanese law. Prior to 1924, Japan claimed as her citizens any Japanese born anywhere in the world. Yielding in that year to criticism against the dual citizenship of her nationals born in countries which confer citizenship by birth, Japan enacted a law providing that any Japanese born in such a country would not henceforth be claimed by her as a subject, unless he declared within 14 days after birth, through his legal representative, his intention to retain Japanese nationality. The law also provides that any person so registered may abandon Japanese nationality at will by giving simple notification, and may also abandon it by notification if registered before 1924. The provisions of this law have been largely ignored.

In spite of the fact that they have been free for 16 years to rid themselves of their Japanese nationality, a large majority of the Nisei have not done so. Expatriation campaigns have in the past apparently brought small result.

The disinclination of the Nisei to expatriate may possibly be traced to the influence of the Japanese-language schools to which practically all Japanese children are sent after public-school hours, where they are taught the language, culture, and Emperor worship of Japan. There are 248 of these schools in California, teaching about 18,000 children at a cost to the Japanese community in 1939 of $398,000. These schools are maintained under definite plans of the Overseas Education Institute of Japan. A recent Tokyo dispatch stated that under a new law Japan will strictly supervise such schools so that the "evils" attending their operation will be eliminated. The purpose of such supervision will be to inculcate in pupils the "patriotic" view of Japanese imperialist policy.

Many young American-born Japanese children are sent to Japan to be educated there from childhood to maturity. There are about 50,000 of these children in Japan at the present time. Their return to the United States, where they may use their American citizenship for the benefit of Japan, is repeatedly urged by the Japanese Foreign Office. They are, of course, practically alien Japanese when they return here, frequently not even being able to speak English.

The Japanese Government finances low-rate trips to Japan for students of impressionable age. A Japanese agent travels through the Pacific Coast States yearly and makes arrangements to take them to Japan in groups. Upon their return to this country the members of these groups frequently engage in lecture tours to spread a knowledge of Japan among their fellows. Trips to Japan are offered as prizes in essay-writing contests, with Japan as the subject of the essays. Money is lent to students wishing to attend the various Japanese universities, entrance requirements having been eased for them. Promising Nisei are called to Japan where they are trained and then sent back to this country to spread Japanese propaganda.

The Nisei are urged by their leaders to take an active part in American politics, since they have a voting bloc of about 25,600. They form themselves into political clubs. They are also urged to vote en bloc for measures and candidates favorable to the Japanese. The Japanese American Citizens League has pledged its members to solidarity -- the use of their ballots for the benefit of the Japanese generally.

On December 12, 1939, a columnist in the New World Sun of San Francisco, in commenting upon the fact that the Japanese now have a sizable bloc of votes in California, said:

A solid bloc of 25,000 votes is a factor which may decide in a close election. Inasmuch as we are a minority group, it may be wise thing to start making connections with those of other racial descendants, such as the colored people and the Chinese, and so forth. A concerted drive could then be launched to eliminate the numerous laws which have been enacted based on color lines.

There are, of course, no laws in California based on color lines. The laws referred to are the exclusion measure and the alien land laws, which are based on ineligibility to citizenship and affect only orientals. These laws are vital, protective laws, and have been enacted by the American people for their own welfare. This same columnist wrote in the New World Sun of August 18, 1940:

The voters of oriental descent may number 25,000 Japanese and a few thousand Chinese. But the colored people have close to 100,000 voters. A coalition will be the formation of a powerful bloc. * * *

The activities of the Nisei in defeating a measure in the last (1939) California State Legislature designed to curb espionage activities of alien Japanese fishermen in southern waters, a measure vital to our national defense, particularly at this critical time, are proof of the supreme loyalty which the Nisei offer to Japan.

Walter Tsukamoto, national president of the Japanese-American Citizens League, and a Reserve officer in the American Army, received in the summer of 1940 the Yamagata award of the Japanese Young People's Society of Chicago, as "The Nisei of the Year." His accomplishment? "Brilliant generalship in sparking the drive against the anti-alien bills (the fishing bill) introduced into the California Legislature. * * *." This has apparently been even too much for some of the Japanese themselves, for one of their commentators remarked:

Though we appreciate the fact that his contributions to the welfare of his own nationality are considerable, we are nevertheless of the opinion that his endeavors, fine as they are, fail to contribute to any appreciable degree in the development of America.

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